2008年11月28日 星期五

加州科學館(California Academy of Sciences)

上週末去了舊金山金門公園新開幕的加州科學館(California Academy of Sciences),據說加州科學館是世界十大自然史博物館。加州科學館之前的舊建築在1989年因地震受損,在2005年所有展品遷出原館到舊金山市區租借的小場地繼續展出,原址開始興建新館,今年九月底正式開幕。加州科學館的新建築是非常創新的設計,是首先採用最環保的綠建築之博物館。


California Academy of Sciences Virtual Tour (05:40)


耗資五億美金的加州科學館新建築是由義大利建築大師倫佐‧皮亞諾(Renzo Piano)設計的,皮亞諾最有名的作品,是巴黎的龐畢度中心(Centre Georges Pompidou)和紐約的惠特尼美國藝術博物館(Whitney Museum of American Art),加州科學館的設計榮獲美國綠建築協會(U.S. Green Building Council, USGBC)推動的領先能源與環境設計(Leadership in Energy & Environmental Design, LEED)之白金認證。

加州科學館的巧思設計,有以下永續經營的特色:

  • 減少50%的廢水。
  • 六萬個太陽能電池足以供應所需的5-10%電力。
  • 2.5英畝(0.4公頃)的綠屋頂。
  • 15,000公升的回收混凝土。
  • 利用自然光照明90%的空間。
  • 完全使用95%收回鋼材。
  • 牆壁裡利用收回的牛仔褲隔熱保溫。


因為加州科學館的建築太有特色又充滿環保的巧思,美國媒體就有一些報導:


California Academy of Sciences - Going Green (02:25)


California Academy of Sciences - Living Roof (02:54)


California Academy of Sciences - Living Roof (04:06)


國家地理頻道和DISCOVERY頻道也製作了特別報導:


Eco-Tech Museum (03:58)


Extreme Engineering - California Academy of Sciences 1/4


加州科學館的綠屋頂是大一特色。許多建築的屋頂基本上是不作任何使用的,還得要把雨水當作廢水作排放處理。近年有一些有心的建築師開始推動綠屋頂,把建築的屋頂綠化。綠化的屋頂有多項好處,一來減少雨水當廢水的排放處理,像是加州科學館的綠屋頂就能吸收90%的雨水;二來可以調節室溫,以減少空調的使用,節能減碳;三來可以提供動植物棲地,把幾乎完全不使用的空間弄成鳥語花香的樂園,讓城市人也可以親近大自然。

加州科學館是美國西部歷史最悠久的自然史博物館,有一般的自然史展示、天象館、水族館和四層樓高的熱帶雨林。加州科學館其實並不算大,就規模上來說,甭說我到過的華盛頓特區國家自然史博物館(National Museum of Natural History)和紐約的美國自然史博物館(American Museum of Natural History)比它大多了,就連台灣台中的國立自然科學博物館就規模和展覽品質,都不輸它。

我們到的時候是中午,聽說要參觀加州科學館,最好是早上就到,要不然人會多到暴。我到的時候最接近的收費停車場已滿了,單單為了找停車位,就在金門公園內外幌了廿幾分鐘,才在步行15分鐘之處勉強找到停車位,到了加州科學館時更是大排長龍。

一進到加州科學館大廳,就可見到在咖啡廳雨旁的潮間帶水池展示。

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我在一樓的展場隨便看了一下,加州科學館的非洲館把原本的舊建築保留下來,展有非洲哺乳類動物標本,其實不算大,紐約的美國自然史博物館才算是有看頭的。新的非洲館有加上一個大型水族箱養有南非企鵝。




接著就到屋頂上去參觀。加州科學館的屋頂種植的是加州原生植物,因此不需要太花心思照料,還能吸引蜜蜂蝴蝶造訪,我在那就看到不少蜜蜂和熊蜂在採蜜。在屋頂上可以看到對面的M. H. de Young Memorial Museum,可惜屋頂上開始的僅是一小區,如果能建個步道繞屋頂一圈感覺上會更棒吧。

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綠屋頂上有兩個小山丘,分別是天象館和熱帶雨林,山丘上有幾個圓形的窗口,感覺上有點像是外星人的構造,它們除了用來採光外,也會隨著館內溫度的上升而自然打開來通風透氣以調節溫度。加州科學館多處用的大型落地窗除了採光外,也能隨著溫度變化自動打開,如此的設計讓加州科學館大幅減少了能源的消耗。

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參觀完屋頂就到一樓中央的咖啡廳去用午餐,那個咖啡廳的屋頂是透明玻璃,採光很棒,只是人太多了,棹椅太小又不太多,用起餐來不算舒服。

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吃完午餐,我們就去參觀四層高的熱帶雨林館。那個熱帶雨林館是在一個超大型的圓形玻璃屋內,種有一些樹木。熱帶雨林館要從一樓進去,再走環狀階梯向上走,到四樓再搭電梯下樓。我們在排隊進入熱帶雨林館時,可以看到工作人員在製作鳥類標本的展示,他們把灣區自然死亡的鳥類剔除掉肉,以留存骨頭製造標本,相當的血淋淋。

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和台灣科博館的熱帶雨林植物館比起來,加州科學館的熱帶雨林館不算大。不過有趣的是,裡頭有放生蝴蝶、蛾類、鳥類、魚類和蛙類,人們在裡頭走動時,蝴蝶、蛾類、鳥類就在遊客的身旁飛來飛去,十分有趣。為了製造出熱帶雨林的氣氛,熱帶雨林館內的溫度和濕度也頗高,很有種濕熱的感覺。除了植物、蝴蝶、蛾類、鳥類和蛙類,熱帶雨林館也展示了一些熱帶魚類和爬蟲類動物,有些爬蟲類動物長得真的相當奇特,令人不禁要讚嘆演化大神變態的想象力。

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參觀完了熱帶雨林館,我們就搭電梯到底層的水族館區參觀。遊客可以從熱帶雨林館的水塘底下走過,觀看亞馬遜流域的超大鯰魚。原本有水族館不算啥,可是加州科學館的一個大型菲律賓珊瑚礁水族箱真的是令人嘆為觀止,上千隻色彩賓紛絢麗的魚兒在水族箱裡穿棱,真的非常精彩!可惜我們的相機都沒電了,不能把壯觀的景象拍下。

參觀完了水族館,時間差不多了,離去前我們到禮品店,沒想到居然在那遇到在戴維斯的朋友,世界還真小。接著我們就相約到日本城去吃晚餐。


加州科學館(California Academy of Sciences)的整本相簿:




延伸閱讀:

The Sky of Gene - 從搖籃到搖籃(Cradle to Cradle

The Sky of Gene - 危急中的地球(Planet in Peril: Environmental Coverage

The Sky of Gene - 第11個小時(The 11th Hour

The Sky of Gene - 世界又熱、又平、又擠(上)

The Sky of Gene - 世界又熱、又平、又擠(中)

The Sky of Gene - 世界又熱、又平、又擠(下)



相關網站:

California Academy of Sciences

California Academy of Sciences - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Inhabitat » CALIFORNIA ACADEMY OF SCIENCES GREEN ROOF

California Academy of Sciences: Greening a Higher Ground

California Academy of Sciences - The New York Times > Arts > Slide

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2008年11月26日 星期三

NEXT:危基當前的鬧劇

Next


要不是麥可‧克萊頓(Michael Crichton)最近無預警地因癌症逝世,我可能不知要等到何時才把他的上一部小說《NEXT:危基當前》
Next)找來看,因為他最近的小說的《時間線》Timeline)、《奈米獵殺》Prey)和《恐懼之邦》State of Fear)實在是太令人大失所望了。

麥可‧克萊頓雖然是不可多得的天才,不過《侏羅紀公園》Jurassic Park)和《失落的世界》The Lost World)之後,他的《旭日東昇》Rising Sun)及《桃色危機》(Disclosure)雖然還是大受歡迎,可是卻非我喜愛的小說類型,我連小說都懶得
連結看,都改看電影了。

《時間線》Timeline)說實在的,並不太好看,不過好歹卻也是第一部用嚴謹的科學理論探討時間旅行的科幻小說吧?《奈米獵殺》Prey)基本上,根本就是垃圾等級,劇情和科學都不合理,麥可‧克萊頓要突顯奈米科技可能造成的危機,可是故事卻完全沒有說服力。奈米製程的產品,是有潛伏的生態危害,可是在小說中出場的是有智慧的無厘頭奈米機械人,最後還搞成血腥大屠殺,真的是太超過了。

《恐懼之邦》State of Fear)提出的論調,更是引起美國大眾、學界和政治界一陣嘩然。麥可‧克萊頓指稱全球暖化的研究是政治化的科學、環保團體像是宗教迷信團體,以及我們對自然生態還不夠瞭解到能夠有效管理的地步,就把倡議要減碳的研究和政策一桿子打翻。麥可‧克萊頓說的不是完全沒有道理,可是小布希政府為了
連結石油公司的利益,更改科學研究報告,還極力降低環境保護的管制,不才是更邪惡無比的政治化科學嗎?麥可‧克萊頓居然和小布希相談甚歡,真不知他腦袋裡裝了什麼垃圾。

相較起那幾部不怎麼成功的麥可‧克萊頓小說,《最高危機》(Airframe)算是不錯的,至少故事劇情還算精彩合理,而且可以學到不少航空工程的知識。而
《NEXT:危基當前》Next)的主題是遺傳工程和生物倫理。麥可‧克萊頓在《侏羅紀公園》中就提到了遺傳工程,不過主角是恐龍。《NEXT:危基當前》Next)把一堆遺傳工程、生技公司和生物倫理學的問題都攪在一起討論,故事基本上是多場鬧劇。

不知是因為那幾部不成功的小說,讓我對麥可‧克萊頓大失所望而降低了期待,我發現
《NEXT:危基當前》Next)其實還不難看。麥可‧克萊頓的小說有一大缺點,就是人物個性不鮮明,對白死板,除了少數主角,大多數出場人物就像機器人。不過《NEXT:危基當前》Next)算是頗生動的。《NEXT:危基當前》Next)可以算是部超文本小說(hyperlink type novel),小說裡有多條看似不平行的線,章節間跳來跳去的,許多故事人物也看似毫無關連,可是最多卻交織在一起。

NEXT


《NEXT:危基當前》Next)基本上是鬧哄哄的鬧劇,《NEXT:危基當前》Next)提到貪婪的生技公司、誤用基因療法的生技公司職員,私下把人類基因轉入動物的科學家、身體組織細胞被大學出賣的小民、搶取豪奪的學術界大頭、偷盜人類器官的醫院職員等等。麥可‧克萊頓在小說中也搞出一些假報導,用誇張的方式來表達一些科學報導或科學家對基因控制人類行為或疾病的誇大渲染。和麥可‧克萊頓絕大部分小說中悠關生死的危機不同的,《NEXT:危基當前》Next)只不過是有白爛結局的鬧劇,我想麥可‧克萊頓應該是想寫部黑色喜劇吧?

麥可‧克萊頓是個能在通俗小說中提出具前瞻性科學觀點的作家,雖然在
《NEXT:危基當前》Next)提到的遺傳工程、生物科技及生物倫理等對好些讀者來說或許是頗新鮮的,不過他提到的各各問題,我老早就從各項課程、演講、報章、雜誌和書籍中接觸過了,完全沒任何新鮮感,我想很多生物相關科系出身的朋友也不會對《NEXT:危基當前》Next)提到的內容陌生吧?只不過麥可‧克萊頓是用誇張故事的方式把它們更生動地表現出來,尤其是那兩隻會說人話的黑猩猩和鸚鵡,有夠耍寶。

然而因為故事實在是太鬧哄哄了,我也有點搞不太清楚麥可‧克萊頓想要表達的觀點,他應該也知道讀者的疑慮,於是他在白爛的故事結束後,還加了一章清楚地表達他對遺傳工程、幹細胞研究等的觀點。基本上,麥可‧克萊頓反對把基因拿去申請專利,他主張要改革法案以面對大學和教授產學不分的問題,還有為人類細胞組織的使用建立準則,以及立法以確保基因檢驗資料的公開化。並且他反對完全禁止某些高度爭議性的研究,如基因療法和幹細胞等,雖然他反對科學家誇大那些研究的成效,然而就算歐美嚴禁那樣的研究,新興經濟體如中國卻反而還是可以從中獲利。與其限制遺傳工程、基因療法和胚胎幹細胞的研究,還不如把精力花力認真地研究出合時合理的法案。

《NEXT:危基當前》Next)出版不久,有一則變態的報導指說,麥可‧克萊頓在小說中編造了一個未出場的人物Mick Crowley,是個耶魯大學的畢業生,在華盛頓特區當政治專欄作家,他因性侵了一位嬰兒而被起訴。而事實上,有一個真實人物名為Michael Crowley,也是耶魯畢業生,是左翼政治雜誌《新共和國》(The New Republic)的資深編輯,他曾寫過評論強力幹譙麥可‧克萊頓的《恐懼之邦》State of Fear)是「撈錢的急就章之作」。麥可‧克萊頓顯然是想要在小說中擺後者一道,而他膽敢那樣做而不怕被告誹謗,是因為他在小說中指出Mick Crowley的雞雞很小,但是足以對小孩子的肛門造成很大的撕裂傷。

麥可‧克萊頓顯然想用「小雞雞理論」來修理Michael Crowley。早在1998年時,《紐約時報》便已提過了關於這個「小雞雞理論」的說法。《紐約時報》認為,作家有時希望讀者們一看就知道某個虛構人物其實就是在影射誰,同時又不希望自己因此而惹來官司纏身,於是,要保護自己的方法,其中一種就是除了稍微修改姓名外,並在書裡頭說那個人有個小雞雞。《紐約時報》還引述了一名律師的話:「沒有任何一個男人會承認,那個小雞雞的傢伙就是我沒錯啦」,所以大部分情況下就自認倒楣。不過,據說Michael Crowley不吃那一套,他後來又跳出來把麥可‧克萊頓幹譙了一番,他提出「陰險小人理論」,表示「如果有人提出具體批評,但被批評者的反應是攻擊這人的胯下。我認為此舉代表他承認批評者有理。」

《NEXT:危基當前》Next)不算是部太有深度的小說,不過如果想知道當紅的生物科技,如果變得荒腔走調,會對我們的生活造成多麼白爛的影響,那《NEXT:危基當前》Next)會是一部很有趣的小說。我是個不小心跳入火坑學遺傳學的人,回台灣或馬來西亞時,很多長輩朋友都想要問一堆遺傳工程方面的問題,也顯然大眾對遺傳工程有許多誤解。在這個時代,學習科學的人,尤其是生命科學,很難不面對到社會大眾觀感的問題,因此生物倫理學或許得要指定為學習生物學的大學生之必修課吧。也許《NEXT:危基當前》Next)正好可以列為大學生物倫理學和遺傳學的指定課外讀物呢。

麥可‧克萊頓生前最後一部小說似乎已經完成了,原本預計在今年12月初推出,不過因為他的逝世,可能要到明年五月才會推出吧。


延伸閱讀:

The Sky of Gene - 不可思議的天外來菌(The Andromeda Strain

The Sky of Gene - 科技驚悚小說之父麥克‧克萊頓(Michael Crichton)病逝

The Sky of Gene - AIRFRAME

The Sky of Gene - 不簡單的海洋生態驚悚小說--群(Der Schwarm)


相關網誌:

Fran私觀點:Michael Crichton:Next!危基當前- 樂多日誌

讀書心得:危基當前

[Heresy' Space]: NEXT危基當前:跟不上新科技的社會

All in micro:閱讀筆記:《NEXT‧危基當前》 - 樂多日誌

危基當前:放眼未來可能面臨的危機| 啪啦報報共筆部落格

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2008年11月25日 星期二

不可思議的天外來菌(The Andromeda Strain)

andromeda_strain_large




麥可‧克萊頓在近40年前出版了
The Andromeda Strain,開啟了科技驚悚小說的先河,也奠定了暢銷小說作家的地位。The Andromeda Strain,在1971年就被改編成好萊塢電影,早在愛滋病、伊波拉病毒還有SARS被發現之前,也早在1995年電影Outbreak之前,就形塑了科學家深入疫區戰鬥強力致命病毒的形象。The Andromeda Strain受歡迎的程度,從它在今年還被好萊塢大導演Ridley Scott青睞,改編成共兩集的迷你影集,就可見一斑。

andromeda


1969年的The Andromeda Strain,在今天來看,並沒啥了不起之處,可是當時麥可‧克萊頓在小說中提出,致病源會往致命力弱的方向演化之理論,現今已成了過度簡化而需要被修正的傳統理論,可是在當時學術界,很多微生物學家、公共衛生學家和醫學家,甚至都還不曾接觸過該理論呢。雖然The Andromeda Strain在1969年中就提出了該理論,可是在學術界中,致病源毒性演化的紮實研究,也一直到八十年代初期才開始。所以,從中可知麥可‧克萊頓獨特的見解甚至領先學術界十幾年呢!

在小說The Andromeda Strain中,提到致病源如果太快把宿主幹掉,那對它反而沒有太大的好處,因為許多致病源必須靠活體傳播,而且宿主掛了,它們也就沒有食物來源,因此致病源很快地把宿主幹掉,其實是因為它們在演化中從來沒有遇到該宿主,基本上那樣的高致命力應該是致病源無法適應宿主的一種表現,因此讓宿主活著(至少一陣子),可是卻產生一些症狀來協助傳播,才是致病源演化的正道。以現今的理論來說,致病源的短期毒性演化,並非往毒性小的方向演化這麼簡單了,因為還得考慮到宿主族群大小和變化,以及環境、傳播方式和潛伏期等變因,是非常複雜的。可是無論如何,致病源毒性演化,才是小說The Andromeda Strain的重點!

很可惜的,今年中推出的改編迷你影集The Andromeda Strain,其實是部不折不扣的大爛片!編劇試圖在麥可‧克萊頓的The Andromeda Strain加入一堆政治和軍事的元素,然後用許多不相關的科學名詞和理論來包裝,讓The Andromeda Strain完全失去了原汁原味!迷你影集The Andromeda Strain在美國媒體上得到的評論大多也不佳,那些編劇可以說是不折不扣的腦殘!

我有一些科幻小說迷朋友其實蠻討厭所謂的科技驚悚小說,因為他們認為科技驚悚小說一來提出的科技沒新意不紮實,二來沒有高深的哲理。可是我反倒認為,那是一種誤解,而這樣的誤解,部分源自改編的電影影集等不忠於原著,把科學知識和理論的部分要嘛是去掉,要不然就簡化或亂改;二來的確是有一些沒好好用心地作功課的作家把許多科學知識和理論不合理地亂扯在一起;三來好些科技驚悚小說抽掉了科技部分,劇情單薄得乏善可陳;四來有些科技驚悚小說除了娛樂效果就沒啥哲理或深意。

可是對我而言,所謂的科幻小說,很多時候只要提到外星人、未來世界、全新的科技、時間旅行就算了,也不需要有任何科學上的根據。事實上,一部優異的科技驚悚小說,不僅要有精彩刺激的劇情,也要能合理地把紮實的科學科技知識和理論融入故事中,其難度其實是比較高的。不過也因為如此,科技驚悚小說的劇情架構相當公式化,不像一般科幻小說可以天馬行空。科技驚悚小說中,幾乎都是有大壞蛋或白爛在搞不清楚狀況的情況下濫用科技,或者,破壞大自然平衡而爆發什麼科技危機,最後科學家們利用正確的科學知識和理論來解決危機。其實科技驚悚小說和推理小說有一大共同點,就是其娛樂效果主要是在解謎的過程。

而就深度而言,科技驚悚小說或許沒有高深的哲學思辯,可是卻常常是對人類誤解大自然或濫用高科技的省思。當《侏羅紀公園》當紅時,學術界甚至有不少科學家、生物倫理學家認真地思考其中提到的問題。而麥可‧克萊頓的State of Fear,更是引起學術界的一陣嘩然,讓科學家和環保人仕認真的看待反全球暖化的理論以及更積極教育大眾。

科幻小說其實是一個很廣泛的小說文體,我會把科幻小說及科技驚悚小說當作兩種不同且不互相排斥的小說文體來看待。喜歡武俠小說,不見得就要排斥推理小說吧?如果有朋友說他還是排斥科技驚悚小說,那就當作是個人喜好吧。

言歸正傳,從迷你影集The Andromeda Strain的失敗中,就可看出為何有些科技驚悚小說可以成為經典,而不是僅一時賣座而已,因為有紮實內容的佳作和唬爛的劣作,高下是很明顯的。迷你影集The Andromeda Strain除了片名和一些人物和小說相同,科學家處理的也是外太空入侵的不明致病源,疫區有兩位莫名其妙地活下來的生還者之外,就完全沒有任何共同點了。

科技驚悚小說中提到的科技不見得會存在,可是原則上不能違背科學理論。而迷你影集The Andromeda Strain中出現的致病源和危機處理方式,沒有一樣在科學上是可成立的!迷你影集The Andromeda Strain提到的一些奈米科技和物理理論等,也都是純粹把一堆專有名詞隨便亂搭在一起來唬弄觀眾,我完全搞不清楚其中的邏輯,因為它們之間完全沒有任何科學上的關連性。

就算不提那些亂七八糟的專有名詞,單單就迷你影集中的那個以硫為主要材料的致病源超強致病源,能夠快速地源源不絕地取得不知從何而來的硫來建構自己,就是天下第一大奇蹟!建構生物體的最主要元素是碳、氫、氧,硫主要是少量地存在蛋白質中。如果那個致病源不僅能夠快速演化,還能無中生硫出來建構自己(連戰機都是硫作的?),它不可能是人造的,應該是神造的吧?哦不,它本身就是神!

後來,科學家們把那個變態致病源解決掉的方式(有雷),是用深海熱泉中的細菌去把它們給吃光光!基本上,深海熱泉(hydrothermal vents)是地球上少數已知不需要靠陽光來提供原始能量的生態系,因為深海熱泉的細菌可以利用化學合成作用來取得能量,它們的能量來源是靠氧化無機的硫化氫(H2S)來合作碳水化合物,其化學反應如下:

CO2 + O2 + 4{H2S} → CH2O + 4{S} + 3{H2O}

好吧,估且不論那樣的細菌能否在實驗室中被大量培養,它們能否在陸地環境下生存並生長,單單就它們能吃硫這一點,我就想建議腦殘的編劇去吃木炭,因為碳是我們食物中的基本元素啊!

好萊塢的編輯已經算上世界頂尖並且相當專業了,可是遇到經典的作品還是只能胡搞一通,無法弄出任何有趣合理的新意,由此可見麥可‧克萊頓的過人的智識,他的文學功力雖然不算強,可是他的作品卻能成為經典之作而迄立不倒!


延伸閱讀:

The Sky of Gene - NEXT:危基當前的鬧劇

The Sky of Gene - 科技驚悚小說之父麥克‧克萊頓(Michael Crichton)病逝

The Sky of Gene - AIRFRAME

The Sky of Gene - 不簡單的海洋生態驚悚小說--群(Der Schwarm


相關網站:

Official Site at A&E

The Andromeda Strain at the Internet Movie Database

Official alternate reality game website

閱讀全文...

2008年11月19日 星期三

不簡單的海洋生態驚悚小說--群(Der Schwarm)

Der Schwarm

花了大概三個星期,才把厚達近900頁的英文版德國科幻小說
The Swarm看完,超讚!

我從小就很愛科幻小說,最愛的是倪匡那上百本短小精悍的衛斯理系列,如果考試乾脆都考倪匡小說,我大概不會到放牛班去了。不過很可惜的,倪匡畢竟沒受過科學訓練,他的小說是想像力豐富有餘,小說中的真實科學知識卻幾乎是零。後來不小心看了 小說
《侏羅紀公園》Jurassic Park),才知道原來世界上是有嚴謹的科學知識和理論當背景的科幻小說。

不過因為在美國,科幻(Sci-Fiction)常和奇幻(Fantasy)搞混在一起,而且很多所謂的科幻小說是描寫未來世界,想像力的成份居多。
《侏羅紀公園》的作者麥可‧克萊頓(Michael Crichton)似乎不希望他那些有堅實科技背景的小說被歸類為科幻小說,而另創出了科技驚悚(Techno-Triller)的名堂,而這位科技驚悚小說之父,很不巧的,在我差不多把The Swarm看到三分之一,就因癌症過世了。(〈科技驚悚小說之父麥克‧克萊頓(Michael Crichton)病逝〉

The Swarm差不多快看過時,發現原來台灣早就出版了中文版《群》,居然還是暢銷小說,據說在台灣已經賣出了十萬多冊。對一本厚得不得了的科技驚悚小說來說,是個非常了不起的創舉啊!就算是電影紅透半邊天的
《侏羅紀公園》,以及其他改編成著名電影的麥可‧克萊頓的小說,在台灣都還一直維持在只有小眾小說的地位。《群》的成功,還讓出版社推出皮革精裝/10萬冊奇蹟紀念版

The Swarm

The Swarm


《群》的作者法蘭克.薛慶(Frank Schätzing)曾擔任過廣告公司的創意總監、作曲家、音樂製作人,他的首部小說《死神和魔鬼》(Death and the Devil),是15世紀為背景的歷史懸疑小說。法蘭克.薛慶大學學的是傳播學,大概也沒受過紮實的科學訓練吧。不過就以《群》的內容來說,這一部小說中提到的科學知識之深度和廣度,差不多相當於兩三本麥可‧克萊頓的小說!而麥可‧克萊頓可是哈佛醫學院畢業的,還在頂尖的沙克生物研究所(Salk Institute for Biological Studies)作過研究,大概沒有哪個科幻小說家有他那麼高的學歷了吧。

Frank Schaetzing


在撰寫
《群》Der Schwarm)的過程中,薛慶為這本書花了三年閱讀相關資料,包括海洋生物學、地質學、海底探勘等,並花了兩年時間書寫。這期間有31位科學家協助薛慶完成了這本厚達近一千頁的小說。《群》幾乎涵蓋了海洋科學的各層面,包括海洋生物學、海洋生態學、海洋地質學、海洋化學和海洋物理學等,還包括神經生物學、行為生態學、分子生物學、天文生物學和探油科技等,甚至連北美的印第安人文化都包括在內,可見其野心之大。

The Swarm


薛慶收集的海洋科學資料甚至只用了兩成,其他八成的資料,在科學編輯的鼓勵下,原本要寫成150頁的小冊,結果還是寫成了好幾百頁的科普書《海》Nachrichten aus einem unbekannten Universum)。
《群》的德文書名「Nachrichten aus einem unbekannten Universum」原意為「來自未知宇宙的訊息」。《海》在台灣有中文版,其實《海》甚至都還沒有英文版呢。

海

海


對於外太空,我們瞭解的,搞不好甚至比佔地球七成面積的海洋來得多吧。海洋在太多地方是人類到不了的,因為技術上的困難,人類探索過的區域,搞不好還遠不及月球,不過甭說海洋,人類連陸地上的生態及動植物等,也都沒搞清楚過多少。海洋世界幽深莫測,我連看了陰暗的海洋世界的照片或影片,都會有一種莫名的恐懼感,搞不好我前世是淹死在海裡的。

《群》的部頭真的有夠大,英文版和中文版上下冊都各共有近900頁厚,雖然和《悲慘世界》(Les Misérables)或《戰爭與和平》(War and Peace)等經典文學小說相比不算啥,不過大眾小說能寫得這麼厚,還能高居德國暢銷排行榜30週不下,在德國也榮獲了不少獎項,例如國際柯林文學類書獎,2005年獲頒德國Kurd-LaBwitz獎年度最佳科幻小說、德國科幻小說獎、德國出版金羽獎、德國犯罪小說獎等殊榮。連一向對科技驚悚小說冷感(從歐洲超暢銷的麥可‧克萊頓或湯姆‧克蘭西的著名作品在台灣的銷售可見一二)的台灣讀者都趨之若騖,可見作者的功力和魅力有多高。好萊塢女星塢瑪舒曼(Uma Thurman)也買下了《群》的版權,準備開拍電影,預計在2011年上映。

麥可‧克萊頓是個說故事的高手,可借他作品中的人物個性太多不生動,對白也常常平板彊硬,彷彿人物對白是為存在而存在的。而也因為
《群》的部頭夠大,能夠把人物個性刻畫得生動鮮明有趣些,人物之間的關係也較麥可‧克萊頓複雜,基本上薛慶的功力是較麥可‧克萊頓高的。

《群》的作者法蘭克.薛慶是德國人,也不需要像絕大部分美國人寫的科技驚悚小說或電影一樣,把美國人描寫成救世主。《群》中的英雄主要是挪威人和加拿大人,主要的大反派反而是美國人。薛慶也藉機直接把大美國主義狠狠修理了一頓!

其實,把
《群》歸類為科技驚悚小說也不完全適當,因為和大部分科技驚悚小說不同的,闖禍的不是人為的科技,雖然人類工業活動污染環境是主因,但《群》中主要的災禍非某項新科技的濫用,而是大自然對人類無情的反撲!所以,如果能把《群》歸類為生態驚悚小說(Eco-Triller)可能更為恰當吧。

我是作科學研究的人,對科技驚悚小說的科學知識的要求也較一般讀者高吧。對於這點,
《群》並沒有讓我失望。作者雖然沒受過嚴謹的科學研究訓練,不過他對科學知識掌握得之廣又深,絕對不輸受過嚴謹醫學和科學訓練的麥可‧克萊頓。當然,大眾小說畢竟是用來娛樂的,並非用來教學的,而科技驚悚小說要能娛樂大眾,除了劇情張力之外,能否完美合情合理地結合科學知識及理論和想像力,也是一大關鍵。對於這點,《群》也讓我相當滿意。除了海洋地質學和海洋物理學的知識,作者薛慶很巧妙地結合了分類學、生態學、毒理學、微生物學、分子細胞生物學、動物行為學等各生物學門的知識和理論,以及豐富的想像力,編造了一個科學家也能夠信服的故事。

可能因為作者沒有進過真正的實驗室進行過科學研究吧,
《群》還是有一些誇張之處。其誇張之處不在於,那些科學家能夠在相當短的時間內掌握海洋神秘怪客的身份,而是他們在極短時間內,就搞清楚神秘怪客的分子細胞生物學運作原理,而能在利用極少的人力非常短時間內設計並合作對付牠的分子。我敢說,裡頭描述的工作,至少需要十幾個世界頂尖的分子細胞生物學實驗室,花費上百的人力,費時至少數個週甚至數個月才能完成吧。不過,對於大部分不需要瞭解分子細胞生物學研究的讀者來說,那樣的快節奏可能會讓劇情更緊湊刺激些吧。

《群》對現今的能源危機甚有著墨,前陣子日本不是向聯合國申請延伸大陸棚嗎?目的是為了要開發深藏海底的甲烷冰,而很不巧的,甲烷冰也是《群》中的主角。《群》中還提到一種甲烷冰蟲(Methane ice worm),以下是牠們的長相,非生物相關科系的朋友可能會自得牠們長得蠻噁心的吧。

Methane Ice Worm


雖然
《群》大部分的科學知識堪稱嚴謹,不過還是有誤,因為《群》中提到甲烷有臭味,而事實上甲烷是無臭無味的。不過,Methane在英文中是有沼氣的意思,沼氣常帶有硫化物,是有臭味的。《群》中的Methane有可能指的是沼氣,也或許是翻譯上的問題吧。

作為一部生態驚悚小說,
《群》有相當的警世意味。《群》提出的觀點和麥可‧克萊頓的《恐懼之邦》State of Fear)大不同,而和《第11個小時》(The 11th Hour)不謀而合。《群》聚焦在海洋世界,控訴人類對大海的污染與生態破壞,以及人類必須與地球上其他物種共存的意義。西方文明對人類如果與大自然和平共處甚少著墨,而東方文明似乎已無止盡地接受了西方文明的那一套,開始唾棄與大自然的和協,或許有一天要大自然像《群》裡頭描寫的一樣地反撲時,我們才能覺悟我們原來是在讓人類集體自殺?


延伸閱讀:

The Sky of Gene - NEXT:危基當前的鬧劇

The Sky of Gene - 不可思議的天外來菌(The Andromeda Strain)

The Sky of Gene - 科技驚悚小說之父麥克‧克萊頓(Michael Crichton)病逝

The Sky of Gene - AIRFRAME

The Sky of Gene - 倪匡封筆了

The Sky of Gene - 第11個小時(The 11th Hour

The Sky of Gene - 世界又熱、又平、又擠(上)

The Sky of Gene - 世界又熱、又平、又擠(中)

The Sky of Gene - 世界又熱、又平、又擠(下)



相關文章:

◎ 群,八卦跟書一樣厚的小說‧出版症候「群」的四大難處與四大問號

商業周刊1039期:消失的海洋寶藏

群:海洋の逆襲!@■■■蜚蠊L&P之一號不落閣■■■


相關網站:

群+海- 樂多日誌

官網-中文版獨家

Der Schwarm official website (German)

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2008年11月17日 星期一

第11個小時(The 11th Hour)

11th hour




高爾的紀錄片《不願面對的真相》(An Inconvenient Truth)告訴大家溫室效應的真實性與可能釀成的地球災難,可是並沒有提出解決方案。而李奧納多的紀錄片《第11個小時》(The 11th Hour)則是要告訴大家我們有能力拯救人類自己,而且必須從我們這個世代做起,因為這件事只有從這個世代開始做,才能來得及給予我們的後代子孫一個適合居住的地球環境。

照地球的歷史來看,人類是最後60秒才出現的嬰兒物種,恐龍雖然已滅絕了,但牠們在地球上存在的時間都比人類的還要長。人類的的出現迅速地帶來成千上萬的物種滅亡。在這個危急存亡之秋,其實人類最該擔心的是自己,因為無論氣候環境如何變化,地球永遠存在,適合惡劣環境的物種也會不斷出現,消失的或許只有人類而已。

西方的工業革命為部分人類帶來前所未有的物質文明,可是西方文明基本上是和大自然脫節的。是老脫牙的話了,不過西方工業社會,真的是建立在自然資源是取之不盡、用之不竭的基礎上發展的。也因為西方工業社會中的物質文明享受太吸引人了,也讓不少東方國家發棄傳統,投入精力奮力學習。

結果,不管是美國、歐洲還是日本、台灣、韓國、中國或是印度,我們開始從大自然奪取一堆又一堆天然資源,然後在環境惡劣的工廠製造包裝一堆又一堆原本不需要的消費商品,順便再從工廠排放一堆又一堆的有毒廢氣、廢水和廢渣。那些廢氣、廢水和廢渣不僅荼毒自然食物鏈中的各種動植物以及人類,還有人當作寶加進牛奶粉中賣給消費者咧。

基本上,傳統的環保運動,就是要力阻人類工業活動對大自然的破壞,甚至要不惜犧牲經濟發展。可是,從這幾個月的世界金融風暴和經濟不景氣諸多報導中,可以知道一件非常肯定的事實,那就是,沒有任何一個國家,能夠會允許經濟發展停滯不前!不管是民主國家,還是像是中國那樣的極權國家,在經濟發展起飛後,讓經濟發展停頓下來,鐵定是政治自殺!所以,很不幸的,傳統環保運動當然有其價值,不過要犧牲經濟發展來換取環境保護,是很不實際的。那就像,你告訴一個很害怕患上癌症的人,空氣、水和食物或多或少都含有致癌物,所以乾脆完全不吃不喝不呼吸算了!

那我們就只能坐以待斃了嗎?

《第11個小時》就是要告訴大家,是的,我們是可能的!我們必須重就思考人類和自然界的關係,並且重建人類的工業活動。《第11個小時》和《世界又熱又平又擠》不謀而合的一點是,我們有能力重新設計人類的工業、建築和運輸,在不需要大幅改變我們的生活方式的情況下,從根本處來解決問題。而改變人類活動來減少對環境的傷害,只要我們能夠善用創新的能力,其實不僅不會讓我們過得更不舒服,常常反而是今人愉快的。

如果我們還想要活到可以見到我們的子孫有一個美好的未來,我們不僅每一個人都得做些什麼小舉動來避免對地球的傷害,政府、工商業界也得動起來。《第11個小時》並不是讓環保人仕觀看來自慰的。每一個小學生、中學生、大學生,以及政治家和企業家都得從中得到一些省思,或許我們可以不同意《第11個小時》中提出的每一個觀點,但是至少我們不應該再只是沉溺在歌舞昇平的日子裡了吧。


The 11th Hour


《第11個小時》(The 11th Hour)〔完整版1:28:47〕:



可點選播放器上的「CC」圖示選擇英文、簡體或繁體中文字幕


延伸閱讀:

The Sky of Gene -【分享】地球很美有賴你-HOME盧貝松之搶救地球


The Sky of Gene - 2009世界地球日(Earth Day)

The Sky of Gene - 從搖籃到搖籃(Cradle to Cradle

The Sky of Gene - 危急中的地球(Planet in Peril: Environmental Coverage

The Sky of Gene - 加州科學館(California Academy of Sciences)

The Sky of Gene - 世界又熱、又平、又擠(上)

The Sky of Gene - 世界又熱、又平、又擠(中)

The Sky of Gene - 世界又熱、又平、又擠(下)


相關網站:

第11個小時


The 11th Hour - Narrated by Leonardo DiCaprio - The Official Site

11th Hour Action

11th Hour (2007) at the Internet Movie Database

EarthLab.com

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2008年11月15日 星期六

Sunday Bloody Sunday - U2

Sunday Bloody Sunday




Sunday Bloody Sunday是政治訴求非常強烈的歌,直接控訴「流血星期日」的不公不義。

流血星期日(愛爾蘭語: Domhnach na Fola)是指1972年1月30日,在北愛爾蘭德里/倫敦德里市(Derry/Londonderry)Bogside地區發生英國傘兵向正在遊行的市民開槍,造成14人死亡,13人受傷的事件。包括記者和旁觀者在內的很多人證明當時遭到槍擊的人都沒有攜帶武器。英國政府對這次事件進行了兩次調查。第一次調查叫做「Widgery Tribunal」,開脫了英國政府和大部分英國士兵的責任,但其公正性遭到了很多人士的批評。第二次調查目前仍然在進行中。


View Larger Map


1972年1月30日,北愛爾蘭民權協會組織了一次反對英國在北愛爾蘭進行的不經審判就進行關押的收容制度的遊行。遊行原定向Guildhall行進,但是由於英國軍隊設置的路障的阻攔改向Free Derry Corner行進。一群堅持應該繼續向GuildHall前進的年輕人脫離了遊行的隊伍並開始辱罵英軍並投擲石塊。英軍使用水炮、催淚彈和橡皮子彈還擊。兩人被英軍士兵開槍打傷。

當時英軍司令部接到了有一個愛爾蘭共和軍的狙擊手在附近活動的情報。英軍下令使用實彈射擊。Jackie Duddy在被英軍驅趕的過程中被擊中身亡。遊行人群開始對英國軍隊進行更有攻擊性的行為,英軍則開始圍捕參加遊行的人群。最終英軍向人群發射了一百餘發子彈,又造成12人當場死亡,12人受傷,另有兩人被裝甲運兵車撞傷。

英國軍方在事件發生的第二天向英國議會作證時稱軍隊在反擊愛爾蘭共和軍的槍手和土製炸彈的進攻。但是包括遊行參加者、當地居民、英國和愛爾蘭記者在內的目擊證人(英國軍人除外)都證明英軍在向沒有武裝的人群開火,向正在逃跑的人和救助傷員的人瞄準射擊,但是沒有人向英軍射擊。英軍沒有人員受槍傷甚至沒有士兵報告任何傷害,現場也沒有找到子彈或者土炸彈。憤怒的愛爾蘭人攻佔並燒毀了英國駐愛爾蘭大使館。愛爾蘭外相專程赴紐約聯合國總部要求聯合國干預。但是由於英國擁有聯合國安理會否決權,聯合國不可能進行干預。

流血星期日是北愛爾蘭命運的一個主要負面轉折點。當英國軍隊剛剛到達北愛爾蘭的時候,北愛爾蘭的天主教徒認為英國軍隊是來保護他們的中性的軍隊。然而在流血星期日後,很多天主教徒都開始把英國軍隊看作是他們的敵人。持愛爾蘭民族主義信仰的年輕人更加向暴力的共和集團靠攏。新分黨和愛爾蘭共和軍則開始脫離主流民族主義和共和主義,倒向馬克思主義。愛爾蘭共和軍則獲得了很多極端的青年的支持。在此後的廿年內,北愛爾蘭陷入了共和派和保皇派雙方的准軍事組織的恐怖主義戰爭。雙方有數千人被謀殺或者暗殺。

Sunday Bloody Sunday收錄在U2在1983年推出的第三張專輯WarWar是一張政治訴求非常強烈的專輯,Bono是個對政治現象很敏感的人,成名後也一直都為世界人權、慈善事物等付出心力。War對於戰爭和暴力有著強烈的控訴,封面延續了首張專輯Boy中的設計,天真無邪的小孩就得面對殘酷的戰爭與種種,帶著一絲的憤怒與無奈。滾石雜誌列Sunday Bloody Sunday為「史上五百大最佳歌曲」第268名,並列War為「史上五百大最佳專輯」第221名。

war


Sunday Bloody Sunday也用在電影Bloody Sunday的片尾曲。流血星期日發生卅周年的2002年出品的電影Bloody Sunday中描述的事件同遊行者的看法接近。Bloody Sunday拍得非常寫實,並在柏林影展奪得金熊獎以及日舞影展最佳影片。

Bloody Sunday




Sunday Bloody Sunday也收錄在U218 SinglesThe Best of 1980-1990

U218

The best of 1980-1990


Sunday Bloody Sunday的歌詞:

Yes...

I can't believe the news today
Oh, I can't close my eyes
And make it go away
How long...
How long must we sing this song
How long, how long...
'cause tonight...we can be as one
Tonight...

Broken bottles under children's feet
Bodies strewn across the dead end street
But I won't heed the battle call
It puts my back up
Puts my back up against the wall

Sunday, Bloody Sunday
Sunday, Bloody Sunday
Sunday, Bloody Sunday

And the battle's just begun
There's many lost, but tell me who has won
The trench is dug within our hearts
And mothers, children, brothers, sisters
Torn apart

Sunday, Bloody Sunday
Sunday, Bloody Sunday

How long...
How long must we sing this song
How long, how long...
'cause tonight...we can be as one
Tonight...tonight...

Sunday, Bloody Sunday
Sunday, Bloody Sunday

Wipe the tears from your eyes
Wipe your tears away
Oh, wipe your tears away
Oh, wipe your tears away
(Sunday, Bloody Sunday)
Oh, wipe your blood shot eyes
(Sunday, Bloody Sunday)

Sunday, Bloody Sunday (Sunday, Bloody Sunday)
Sunday, Bloody Sunday (Sunday, Bloody Sunday)

And it's true we are immune
When fact is fiction and TV reality
And today the millions cry
We eat and drink while tomorrow they die

(Sunday, Bloody Sunday)

The real battle just begun
To claim the victory Jesus won
On...

Sunday Bloody Sunday
Sunday Bloody Sunday...


延伸閱讀:

The Sky of Gene - U2

閱讀全文...

2008年11月13日 星期四

美國的「朝倉啟太」,台灣的呢?

最近有朋友問我為何那麼崇拜歐巴馬?

其實,我並不崇拜歐巴馬,他都還不算是我最欽佩的政治人物前五名之一咧(他們是曼德拉、翁山蘇姬、金大中、小泉純一郎和達賴喇嘛),只是在小布希那隻狗嘴講不出人話的廢物總統居然佔據了白宮八年後,這個世界強權終於有一個能說得出人話的總統出現了,是該舉世慶賀的,雖然當我們知道歐巴馬的貿易保護主義後可能會幹聲連連。

covers.obama


歐巴馬在當選美國總統這一個禮拜來,有多受歡迎呢?首先,我甚至都還為他的勝選辦桌請客呢!除了我之外,慶祝的人還真不少。歐巴馬勝選隔天,美國主要的報紙被迫增印報份,以應付消費者的需求。已經比平常多印三成報份的《華盛頓郵報》加印25萬份的紀念版。《紐約時報》已經比正常的早報印刷量多印三成五,結果還是要再加印七萬五千份應急。《芝加哥太陽時報》原本就加印了數萬份報紙,結果還是得再追加份數。《芝加哥論壇報》原先印了69萬份,結果在短短幾小時內就已賣完,只好在上午再度開機趕印,第二次印刷12萬份。美國有線電視新聞網(CNN)和其他線上新聞網站的流量都創新紀錄。

TIME雜誌為總統當選人歐巴馬出版紀念專刊,各地雜誌貨架熱賣一空。TIME雜誌發行的這本歐巴馬紀念特輯定價美金$4.99,在上星期四上市之後,就暢銷熱賣,炙手可熱,如今已經發行第三刷,而市場依舊供不應求,零售商一再要求補貨。TIME雜誌的網上訂閱專線更是湧入大量訂單,有些民眾一口氣訂閱十本,而在eBay拍賣網上,還出現一本以15美元的價格賣出。

Obama


根據民調公司蓋洛普10日公布的最新民調結果,歐巴馬當選總統後,民意好感度直線上升。選前一天是61%,選後已增至70%。蓋洛普說,即便是61%也已打破1992年以來任何一位總統候選人創下的紀錄。相較之下,小布希施政滿意度再創新低,76%受訪美國成人認為他不稱職,支持率僅剩24%,小布希已打破杜魯門與尼克森的紀錄,成為美國史上最不受歡迎的總統。

其實從11月4日歐巴馬當選美國總統後這一個星期來,感覺上歐巴馬愈來愈像木村拓哉主演的日劇CHANGE裡的主角朝倉啟太!

歐馬巴和朝倉啟太有五大共同點,一是他們都講求CHANGE!朝倉啟太當日本首相的日劇叫CHANGE,而歐馬巴勝選的訴求也是CHANGE!真不知是純屬巧合,還是他們串通好的。(〈我們需要怎麼樣的政治家?-從日劇CHANGE談起(上)〉〈我們需要怎麼樣的政治家?-從日劇CHANGE談起(下)〉

CHANGE

CHANGE

CHANGE


第二個共同點是,他們都年輕,進入政治界時間不長,政治資源都較資本雄厚的對手遜色。朝倉啟太當上日本眾議員沒幾個月就當上首相是太誇張了,歐巴馬當上聯邦參議員也才未滿一屆,居然在民主黨初選就打敗有八年的白宮經驗、連任兩屆的聯邦參議員希拉蕊,而共和黨的馬侃有四年聯邦眾議員和22年聯邦參議員的資歷,可是對到初生之犢歐巴馬,兩人居然像泄氣的娃娃處於劣勢挨打。

第三,朝倉啟太和歐巴馬在競選時,也用上了前所未有的工具,前者利用電視廣告,後者利用網路。民主黨一向不受大財團的歡迎,募款能力一向遠遜於只保護有錢人的共和黨,可是歐巴馬的競選團隊利用網路的力量,聚沙成塔,居然讓錢多到可以直攻共和黨的大本營,收復好幾十年民主黨未曾奪取的印第安那州、維吉尼亞州和賓夕法尼亞州!

第四,除了化劣勢為優勢,朝倉啟太承諾要以平民的眼光來看政治界,歐巴馬承諾要為95%的人民減輕稅務負擔並且推動全民健保。歐巴馬還未正式上任,他的作為究竟如何還很難說,不過民主黨的政策鐵定比共和黨的好。小布希政府,根本就是石油公司和大財團治國,富人的利益永遠高置於人民的利益之上!

第五,朝倉啟太和歐巴馬有一個共同優點,是利用演說來化危機為轉機!朝倉啟太在競選國會眾議員時,媒體指控他父親貪污,他利用街頭演說,承認了該指控並且真誠地向民眾道歉,結果扳回了一城。歐巴馬所屬的芝加哥三一聯合基督教會(Trinity United Church of Christ)牧師萊特發表不當種族敏感言論,對歐巴馬原本是個重大的打擊,歐巴馬在費城發表了經典演說《更完美的聯邦》(A More Perfect Union),充分地化危機為轉機。(〈【分享】歐巴馬演說(Barack Obama Speeches)〉

承認家屬貪污,在日本是政治自殺;挑動種族敏感的神經,在美國也是政治自殺。在美國,種族問題是不折不扣的政治不正確。歐巴馬在演說中有否認美國社會的種族歧視嗎?沒有!在美國,白人承認種族歧視是政治自殺,因為等於請白人同胞把票投給對手;而黑人指控種族歧視也是政治自殺,因為等於暗示對廣大白人的恨意。歐巴馬是個能文之士,大部分的演說是他親自寫稿。他不僅有文才,還有勇氣,敢把深藏已久的傷口打開暴露在社會上讓大家看,然後問大家該不該下藥醫治。

說好聽的話,有哪個政治家不會呢?每個能選上眾議員、參議員、州長的都是政壇高手,可是有多少政治家能像朝倉啟太和歐巴馬一樣不按政治界的遊戲規則來玩,而直接訴諸於他們的主人--人民!?

歐巴馬的大受歡迎,並不是瘋狂的!

美國很可能出現了一個「朝倉啟太」,那台灣的「朝倉啟太」呢?

台灣政黨輪替了兩次,不僅沒有出現「朝倉啟太」,還一而再再而三地出現了一個又一個「惠晉帝」!

國民黨強打經濟牌,誓言「馬上好」,讓廣大中產階級一面倒投向國民黨。可是國民黨上了台,卻先降富人的稅!具象徵意義的富人稅「遺產稅」從20%降到10%,讓已經有許多門路逃稅的富人再爽趴趴!不僅遺贈稅要調降,營業所得稅、證券交易稅、貨物稅等課徵資本家的稅目也要調降。台灣政府負債高達十二至十三兆元,相當於國內全年的生產毛額(GDP),平均每人負債五十六萬五千元,比許多人一整年的薪水還多。光調降證交稅半年,國庫就要損失三百億的稅收,而遺贈稅的調降,則會讓國庫損失兩百億;營業所得稅的調降,將會讓國庫損失1,100億。公平稅改聯盟已決定退出賦稅改革委員會,轉而走上街頭抗爭,十二月初將舉行抗稅大遊行。

國民黨其實根本就是不折不扣的「共和黨」!所謂的「苦民所苦」呢!?國民黨一上台之後就忘了誰是真正的老闆!忘了讓他們上台的到底是誰!

國民黨不僅忘了是誰讓他們上台的,也忘了八年前是誰讓他們下台的!

台灣的民主學運,在台灣爭取到民主後,停滯了十幾年沒有動靜,一直到上週才有個「野草莓學運」,他們要求馬總統和劉院長道歉,可是劉院長居然不理會,還指稱要求道歉的聲浪兩天後會平息。

「野草莓學運」的訴求很簡單,是要修改集會遊行法許多不合理的地方。要求修法最主要的原因,在於人民的「集會結社自由」是憲法保障的權利,不應該由行政機關去作審核,不應該由執政者決定什麼活動可以集會,而什麼活動不行,行政機關沒有這樣的權限。

以下是具體理由 (摘自1106「野草莓學運」學生行動聯盟官網):

依據自由民主憲法的基本人權概念,威權時代制定沿用至今的集會遊行法已有諸多部分有違憲之虞,其中至少包括:

一、「許可制」違反比例原則違憲:

集遊法第八條規定:「室外集合、遊行,應向主管機關申請許可」,此一許可制規定已侵犯人民憲法第十四條保障之集會自由,且違反比例原則中「必要性」之要求。對集會遊行采事前許可管制,並非一最小程度的限制,而可采自由報備、事後追懲制即可,故有違憲法第二十三條比例原則之要求。

二、「行政刑罰」違反法律明確性要求違憲:

集遊法第二十九條規定,活動「首謀」經命令解散而不解散,最高可處「二年以下有期徒刑」!如此將行政法規「刑罰化」的手段,其構成要件卻相當模糊,包括同法第二十五條第三款規定:「利用第八條第一項各款集會、遊行,而有違反法令之行為者」,第四款規定:「有其他違反法令之行為者」,此等概括條款,既不明確又過於廣泛,即可使人民無法預見而承受刑罰,已違反大法官四四三、四四五號解釋揭示之法律明確性原則要求。

三、「缺乏公平救濟管道」違反程序保障要求違憲:

集遊法中賦予警察機關事前許可、且命令解散人民集會遊行之權力,卻無相同公平救濟之管道。集會申請經拒絕後,雖可申復,但申復之審查仍由警察機關單方面為之,此種制度設計違反程序保障,非憲法之所許。

四、「禁制區」違反比例原則違憲:

集遊法第六條規定「總統府、行政院」、「法院」、「國際機場、港口」、「重要軍事設施」、「外國使館與代表機構」、「官邸」…等地區,不論集會遊行和平與否,一律禁止,連申請許可之機會皆無,不合比例原則之必要性與衡平性要求,完全剝奪人民向上述機關和平集會訴求之權利。特別是「總統府、行政院」等作為民主政治中的擔負責任政治的行政機關,其周圍卻不允許人民集會遊行向其表達意見,已違反了民主政治的基本原則,不合我國憲法保障基本人權之要求,。

上述條文皆有違憲法侵害人民集會自由,應立即宣告違憲,以保障民權。



野草莓學運學生的一些心聲


還有啊,台灣人果然是建忘的,台灣教授協會會長蔡丁貴不久前在立法院絕食要求「烏龍公投法」補正,很快就被遺忘了。台灣要是沒有正常公投法,人民就無法用民意來對付政客為了政治利益交換而犧牲人民的權益。(〈加州公投(California Propositions)〉

菅芒花學運

菅芒花學運


台灣政局鬧到今天,是該期待「朝倉啟太」的出現,還是「惠晉帝」的消失呢?


延伸閱讀:

The Sky of Gene - 【分享】歐巴馬美國國家科學院演說


The Sky of Gene - 我們需要怎麼樣的政治家?-從日劇CHANGE談起(上)

The Sky of Gene - 我們需要怎麼樣的政治家?-從日劇CHANGE談起(下)

The Sky of Gene - 【分享】歐巴馬總統就職典禮演說(Barack Obama Inauguration Speech)

The Sky of Gene - 【分享】歐巴馬演說(Barack Obama Speeches)

The Sky of Gene - 【分享】歐巴馬勝選感言文言版

The Sky of Gene - 加州公投(California Propositions)

The Sky of Gene - U2 in Obama Concert


相關網站:

野草莓學運重要聯結懶人包(BillyPan 版Ver.3.1)

野草莓運動

台灣野草莓的前後@香港獨立媒體

1106「野草莓學運」--修改「集會遊行法」連署活動- 台灣連署資源運籌平台

苦勞網

南方電子報

Global Voices Online » Taiwan: At the Protest Frontline

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2008年11月12日 星期三

【分享】今年來最保本的投資商品

假設去年您有1000美元,

如果買了達美航空的股票,現在還能剩下49美元;

如果買了AIG的股票,剩下約12美元;

如果買了房地美股票,剩下約2.5美元;

如果買1000美元的啤酒,喝光後再把空瓶送去回收站,還能換回100美元!


假設去年您有1000元人民幣,

如果買了招商銀行的股票,現在還能剩下250元;

如果買了江西銅業的股票,剩下約166元;

如果買了中國船舶股票,剩下約120元;

如果買1000元的三鹿奶粉,喝光後再把空罐送回經銷商,還能換回1000元!

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2008年11月10日 星期一

科景讀者問卷調查




大家好。

科景(Sciscape.org)成立於1999年4月,為一非營利的專業中文科學新聞網站,目前由數十位各科學領域的研究生和博士後研究員等擔任義務編輯。

科景成立迄今,已逾九年了。科景開創了中文科學新聞報導的多項創舉,嘉惠了不少有志科學研究的莘莘學子。身為編輯一員,我深感驕傲。

在這個WEB 2.0的時代,科景面對愈來愈多挑戰,無論是在編輯培養、網站內容和競爭學習上,我們需要從您取得寶貴的意見和回饋。

我們懇請您在11/10/2008~12/15/2008之間,花費五至十五分鐘協助我們完成這一份問卷,Sciscape將會慎重的參考您的意見並且著手進行改進,以回報您的支持與鼓勵。

為了感謝您的熱情協助,我們將會從填寫問卷的讀者中選出數名幸運的讀者贈送一本科學書籍或一份精美小禮物(限台灣或美加),謝謝。

請點以下連結進行問卷,謝謝:


科景讀者問卷調查



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2008年11月7日 星期五

科技驚悚小說之父麥可‧克萊頓(Michael Crichton)病逝

Michael Crichton

2008年11月4日歐巴馬當選美國首位非裔總統,是個值得記念的日子。同一天,美國卻有一位天才離開人世了,《侏羅紀公園》Jurassic Park)及電視影集《急診室的春天》ER)原創者,科技驚悚小說之父麥可‧克萊頓(Michael Crichton)於2008年11月4日因癌症在洛杉磯病逝,享年66歲。

我當初吃錯藥發神經放棄台大醬料去清大唸生命科學是1997年,當時桃莉羊是大新聞,有人問我是不是因為被桃莉羊騙了,我回答說不是,我是讓
《侏羅紀公園》Jurassic Park)給騙了!

或許沒有多少人可以理解,九十年代中期在馬來西亞小鎮的窮中文學校,唸著被政府打壓的華校董教總廿年前出版的生物學課本,還以為細胞膜是兩層蛋白質夾一層脂肪三明治的後段放牛班高中生,看到小說
《侏羅紀公園》Jurassic Park)中描繪的分子生物學,心中是有多大的震撼!

是的,Michael Crichton是影響我至深,讓我踏上科學研究之路的人之一。

從Michael Crichton可以學到很多科學知識,他的幾本小說中提出的科學知識和問題,還能引起美國嚴肅的學術界討論,有興趣的朋友,可以參考一篇非常有趣的碩士論文--國立清華大學歷史所科技史組鮑家慶的《科學想像與科學傳播:Michael Crichton的科幻小說》。

前陣子我有朋友考我一些航空的知識,很不巧的我正好有看過《最高危機》(Airframe)。不過,很可惜的,Michael Crichton最近的小說《奈米獵殺》Prey)和《恐懼之邦》State of Fear)就不怎麼樣了,《恐懼之邦》State of Fear)中提出對全球暖化的懷疑,書中曲解了不少科學數據,還讓學術界窮於應付。

Michael Crichton是知名的暢銷書作家,也是名影視編劇、製片人及導演,目前在美國已經連續播出十餘年的影集
《急診室的春天》ER)就是出自他的手筆。

Michael Crichton在1942出生於芝加哥,之後移居紐約長島,是家中四個孩子的老大。他先進入哈佛大學英文系就讀,可是教授老是常給他的文章C的評價,讓他很不爽,有一次他趁教授不注意時,偷偷抄了一篇名家喬治‧歐威爾(George Orwell)的文章交上去,結果還是只拿B-,他就決定轉系。他後來轉念人類學系,畢業後進入哈佛醫學院繼續深造,畢業後曾在頂尖的沙克生物研究所(Salk Institute for Biological Studies)做博士後研究,1988年成為麻省理工學院(MIT)客座作家。


Michael Crichton在就讀哈佛醫學院期間已經開始以筆名發表小說,並曾贏得偵探小說界最高榮譽之一愛倫坡最佳小說獎。他從哈佛大學畢業後,想去歐洲遊學,盤纏不夠了,他便想寫個小說賺點錢,沒想到這部隨便寫著玩玩,他甚至不好意思用真名出版的書,竟意外地在1969年以《死亡手術室》A Case of Need)獲得的愛倫坡最佳小說獎(Edgar Allan Poe Awards)。

他在唸哈佛醫學院時以筆名John Lange及Jeffery Hudson開始撰寫小說,他的兩個筆名,都在暗示他的身高。據他自己所述,1997年時他大約有206公分。Lange這個字在德文、丹麥語跟荷蘭語裡,都有「身材高大」的意思,而傑弗瑞‧哈德遜爵士(Jeffrey Hudson)則是17世紀有名的侏儒,是英格蘭亨莉雅妲‧瑪利亞王后的廷臣。他作品中大量的引用醫學和科技新知,充份反應出他的醫學訓練與科學背景。從此他一寫不可收拾,一舉成為高科技驚悚小說(Techno-Triller)之父。

1969年,Michael Crichton發表小說《天外來菌》(The Andromeda Strain),描寫來自外太空的細菌威脅人類生存的情景,當時一炮而紅。書中提出現在廣為接受的致病源會往致命率小的方向演化之學說,當時在學術界還是異端呢!好萊塢製片隨即請他改寫劇本,並將這部小說搬上銀幕。隨後,Michael Crichton還以在洛杉磯遊樂場的經歷寫了電影《鑽石宮》 (Westworld)的劇本。

Michael Crichton早年在非文學領域的研究為他積累了人類學、醫學、生物學和神經學等淵博的知識,為他日後的文學創作奠定了堅實的基礎。後來Michael Crichton乾脆自己當導演,把自的作品搬上上銀幕。例如《鑽石宮》 (Westworld),《八號房禁地》(Coma),1979年與史恩‧康納萊(Sean Connery)合作,執導了自己1975年的作品《火車大劫案》The Great Train Robbery)。Michael Crichton聲望達到最高是在90年代,他的作品《侏羅紀公園》Jurassic Park)被好萊塢導演史蒂芬‧史匹柏(Steven Spielberg)搬上銀幕。另外他還創作並製片了獲得艾美獎的電視影集
《急診室的春天》ER)。

他也是個電腦手,擁有自己的FilmTrack軟體公司,于20世紀80年代開始為電影拍攝設計多種電腦程序,他所執導的《鑽石宮》 (Westworld),就是世界上首部以二維電腦生成圖像技術(2D CGI)為賣點的電影,而首部應用三維電腦生成圖像技術(3D CGI)的電影,恰巧又是這部片的續集《翡翠窩大陰謀》(Future World,又譯《未來世界》)。

他還寫過關於電腦信息技術的書Electronic Life,自己甚至還設計了一套叫《亞馬遜》
Amazon的電子遊戲。Michael Crichton在這些領域的涉獵,也為他的文學創作提供了豐富的源泉。《亞馬遜》(Amazon)是一款圖像文字冒險遊戲,以Apple II、Atari ST、Commodore 64和DOS系統作為執行平台,1984年由Trillium公司的約翰‧威爾斯(John Wells)負責發行。《亞馬遜》為文字冒險遊戲加入彩色圖像和音效的作法,在當時相當罕見,因此大賣十萬份,可以說相當的成功。到了1999年,Michael Crichton與大衛‧史密斯(David A. Smith)共同創立時間線電腦娛樂公司(Timeline Computer Entertainment),儘管跟Eidos Interactive簽定了不少發行計劃,但最後只出過一款遊戲《時間線》(Timeline),2000年12月8日發行於個人電腦,可惜這款遊戲不管在評價上或是銷售數字都相當的難看。

Michael Crichton同時在美國作家協會、美國導演協會、電影藝術和科學學會等多家行業協會中任職,他是美國唯一一個同時在暢銷書、電影、電視劇三個領域取得非凡成就的人。1992年的《時人》(People)雜誌將他評為全球50位最高雅人士(Fifty Most Beautiful People)之一。

Michael Crichton共撰寫了《危基當前》Next)、
《恐懼之邦》State of Fear)、《奈米獵殺》Prey)、《時間線》(Timeline)、《最高危機》(Airframe)、《侏羅紀公園》Jurassic Park)、《失落的世界》The Lost World)、《桃色危機》(Disclosure)、《火車大劫案》The Great Train Robbery)、《終極奇兵》Eaters of the Dead)、《地動天驚》(Sphere)、《旭日東昇》Rising Sun)、《剛果驚魂》(Congo)、《天外病菌》(The Andromeda Strain)等近廿部暢銷小說,其中大部分都改編成好萊塢電影,以及和當時的妻子撰寫電影《龍捲風》(Twister)的劇本,也曾幫全球收視率很高的影《急診室的春天》ER)第一季前三集編劇。暢銷書幾乎本本被好萊塢搬上銀幕,在全世界擁有億萬忠實讀者和影迷,我就是其中之一。

Michael Crichton


用作品表達個人意見,也逐漸成為Michael Crichton的特色,在他用筆名發表的推理小說《死亡手術室》(A Case of Need)中,Michael Crichton用第一人稱扮演一位波士頓的病理學家,為挽救朋友的名譽,介入調查一椿墮胎致死所衍生的醫療疏失案件。這本書在1968年出版,遠早於1973年美國全國性墮胎合法化辯論的羅對韋德案(Roe v. Wade)。他花了160頁追查祕密幫人墮胎的主嫌犯,這個角色的登場就是為了表達作者個人的意見,然後,Michael Crichton用了三頁讓這個角色為他的非法行為辯護。

而在其它小說,如《危基當前》Next)、
《恐懼之邦》State of Fear)、《奈米獵殺》Prey)、《時間線》(Timeline)、《最高危機》(Airframe)、《侏羅紀公園》(Jurassic Park)、《失落的世界》(The Lost World)、《神秘之球》(Sphere《剛果驚魂》(Congo)等科技驚悚小說裡,也有不少以圖表、電腦信息、DNA序列、註解與參考文獻的形式呈現,跟小說混合在一起的科學文件。

Michael Crichton的小說有一些共同點:首先,他特別擅長大量引用有關物理學、醫學、分子生物學、天文學的科學知識。其次,他的小說情節詭秘,懸念不斷,高潮迭起,扣人心弦。除了以科技為噱頭取悅讀者,他的小說還提出人類、科學、未來等問題的深度思考。對於人類對科技的依賴和過度樂觀,他也提出強烈的現實批判。他常指出科學成就的取得有時是不負責任的。科學家和技術人員取得了驚人、不可思議但卻極端危險的成果往往並不被質疑。這些成果使我們人類獲得了權力但卻帶來了問題。所以科學在Michael Crichton的作品中,經常扮演走火入魔的角色。不過,Michael Crichton還是相信知識就是力量,因為小說中解決悠關生死的問題,還是科學知識的正確應用。

Michael Crichton的小說卻還是有些缺點,例如某些人物刻畫得不夠鮮明,人物對白常常也有些死板生硬。

Michael Crichton多數作品都曾在台灣出版,早年由輕舟出版社出版,近年則由遠流接力出版。

Michael Crichton生前最後一部小說原本計畫在下個月初發行,目前出版商哈潑‧柯林斯(Harper Collins)出版社表示將發行日期可能延後至2009年5月。


延伸閱讀:

The Sky of Gene - NEXT:危基當前的鬧劇

The Sky of Gene - 不可思議的天外來菌(The Andromeda Strain)

The Sky of Gene - AIRFRAME

The Sky of Gene - 不簡單的海洋生態驚悚小說--群(Der Schwarm)


相關網站:

科技驚悚小說之父 麥可克萊頓 系列經典作品回顧

MichaelCrichton.com | About Michael Crichton

Michael Crichton - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Works by or about Michael Crichton

Recorded BBC Five Live interview with Michael Crichton


Michael Crichton at the Internet Movie Database

AP Obituary in the Chicago Sun-Times

Michael Crichton - A Tribute By PeopleForever.org

Michael Crichton - Obituary and public tribute

Builder of Windup Realms That Thrillingly Run Amok, An Appraisal: Michael Crichton, Charles McGrath, The New York Times, Nov. 5, 2008

閱讀全文...

2008年11月6日 星期四

【分享】歐巴馬演說(Barack Obama Speeches)

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Obama\

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TIME雜誌真是慧眼識英雄,早在2006年歐馬巴才小有名氣時就看出歐巴馬有當選美國總統的潛力!歐巴馬也終於不負所望順利當選為美國首位非裔總統,證明美國不愧是個偉大的國家,擺脫小布希政府蠻橫無能的陰影。歐巴馬勝選的原因、意義和影響,主流媒體已多加大力報導,我在這裡不再多說。

歐巴馬真的是個能大力激勵人心的傑出演說家,他在費城發表擲地有聲的種族問題演說〈更完美的聯邦〉(
A More Perfect Union),會是續馬丁‧路德‧金的〈我有一個夢〉(I Have a Dream)(Pride (In the Name of Love - U2〉)之後的經典,在這裡就讓大家細細咀嚼吧。

以下附有2008年5月歐巴馬關於種族問題的演說A More Perfect Union、2008年7月在德國柏林吸引廿萬群眾現場聆聽的演說A World that Stands as One,以及2008年11月4日晚間在芝加哥發表的勝選感言,三場經典演說中英文全文及影片。


A More Perfect Union


中文譯文全文(來源):


兩百二十一年以前,在一個如今仍屹立在對街的大廳中,一群人匯聚一堂,而以這些簡單文字,推啟了美國這機會渺茫的民主實驗。跨海逃離暴政與迫害的農夫及學者、政治家及愛國人士們,終於在那持續了整個1787年春季的費城會議中,實現了他們的獨立宣言。

他們所提出的文件,後來雖經簽字通過,但最終仍未完成。它被這國家奴隸制度的原罪所玷污,一個使各殖民地間彼此分歧且讓整個會議陷入僵局的疑點。直到開國元老們選擇容許奴隸貿易繼續運作至少二十年,而將任何最終解決方案留給將來的世代。

當然,對奴隸制度疑問的答案早已埋藏在我們的憲法之中。一部將依法享有平等公民權這理想置於最核心之憲法,一部承諾人民自由、正義、以及一個可能且應當隨時間獲得進一步完善的聯邦之憲法。

然而區區羊皮紙上的文字,並不足以助奴隸脫離桎梏;或是提供每種膚色及信仰的男男女女,身為美國公民的完整權利及義務。所需要的,是世世代代願意盡一己之力的美國人,透過抗爭與奮鬥、在街頭與法庭上、透過內戰及公民不服從並且始終冒著極大風險,以縮小理想的承諾與當代的現實間之差距。

這是我們在這次競選一開始時所提出的任務之一。為了接續前人的漫長旅途,一個追求更正義、更平等、更自由、更具關懷且更繁榮的美國之旅途。我選擇在歷史上的此時此刻參選總統,因為我深深相信除非我們共同努力,否則無法解決我們此刻面臨的各項挑戰。除非我們為建立一個更完善的聯邦而瞭解到:我們雖懷著不同的故事,但擁有相同的期待;我們可能外表不同且來自不同的地方,但我們都嚮往朝同一方向邁進,朝向一個讓我們子子孫孫更美好的未來。

這份信念,來自於我對美國人民的善良與慷慨不變的堅信。但這也來自於我的美國故事。

我是來自肯亞的黑人父親與來自坎薩斯州的白人母親的兒子。扶養我長大的,是曾經歷過大蕭條而在二次大戰時巴頓將軍旗下服役的白人祖父、以及當祖父身在海外時,在利文沃司堡一家轟炸機生產線上工作的白人祖母。我曾就讀於某些美國最好的學校,也曾在全世界最窮的國家之一生活過。我所娶的是一位在血脈中流有奴隸與奴隸主血液的美國黑人。而我也將這份血脈傳承到我兩個寶貴的女兒身上。在三個大陸上,散佈著我屬於每一個種族及每一種膚色的兄弟、姊妹、外甥、外甥女、叔伯與表親。在有生之年,我將永不忘記,我的故事在地球上任何一個其他國家中,都沒有一丁點可能會發生。

這個故事並未使我成為最符合傳統的候選人。但這故事在我基因深處烙印著這理念:這個國家不只是部分的總和,而真正是合眾為一。

在這次競選的第一年中,出乎所有預料之外,我們看到了美國人民對於團結和諧的渴望。無視於單純以種族眼光來看我的參選之誘惑,我們在全國最高白人比例的州裡贏得了明確的勝利。在內戰南方聯盟旗仍舊飄揚的南卡羅來納州,我們建立了非洲裔美國人與白人之間的強力聯盟。

這並不代表種族在這次競選中並不成為一個問題。在這次競選的各個階段,有些評論者曾經認為我要麼「太黑」或是「不夠黑」。我們看到種族緊張關係在南卡羅來那州初選前一週浮出表面。媒體搜遍了每一個出口民調,來找尋支持種族兩極化論點的最新證據。並不僅止於黑白之間,更包含黑色與棕色人種之間。

然而,一直到最近幾週,這次競選中對種族的討論,才轉入了更引起歧見的彎路。

在光譜的一端,我們聽到了一些說法,認為我的參選,只是在執行補助少數族裔的贊許行動;認為我的參選,單純是墊基於不切實際的自由派人士們想要便宜買下種族諒解。在另一個極端,我們聽到了我先前的牧師,傑瑞米亞‧萊特教士,使用了煽動性的語言以表達一些看法。這些看法不只可能擴大種族鴻溝,而且貶抑了我們國家的偉大與善良。這些言論理所當然地,引起白人及黑人雙方的不悅。

我已經用無可爭議的明確言辭,嚴正批評了萊特牧師造成如此爭議的不當言論。對某些人而言,仍有些疑問隱隱殘留未解。我是否知道,他有時是個尖銳批評美國內政及外交政策的評論者?當然。我是否曾經在坐在教堂內時,聽過他做出些可能被認為有爭議性的言論?是的。我是否曾經強烈不同意他的很多政治觀點?絕對如此。正如我確信,你們之中很多人也曾自你的牧師、神父或猶太祭司口中聽過你所強烈不同意的言論。

但是造成最近風暴的言論,並不只是具爭議性而已。它們並不單是宗教領袖在試圖對感受到的不公義發聲。相反地,它們表達出對這國家嚴重扭曲之觀點。這觀點將白種人種族主義視為根深蒂固的,且將美國不好的地方強調到高過於所有我們知道美國作的好的地方。這觀點將中東衝突視為主要根源於如以色列等忠實盟友的行為,而非來自扭曲而充滿仇恨的伊斯蘭極端教義派之意識型態。

由此,萊特牧師的評論並不僅僅錯誤,而且挑起分歧。在一個我們需要合作如一的時候挑起分歧;在一個我們需要聯合一起以解決一串巨大問題的時候加強種族緊張。兩場戰爭、一系列恐怖威脅、一個衰敗的經濟、一個持續已久的健保危機及具有潛在毀滅性的氣候變遷。這些問題並不單是黑人、白人、拉丁裔或亞裔的問題,而是我們全民所共同面對的難題。

以我的背景、我的政治走向、和我所公開表示的價值和理想,毫無疑問地,對有些人而言,我批評萊特牧師的言論仍不足夠。為什麼在一開始時要跟萊特牧師打交道?為什麼不加入另一個教會?而我承認,若我對萊特牧師的所知,僅止於在電視和youtube上無限循環的宣道片段,又或是三一聯合基督教會真的符合於某些評論者譏諷的形象,我毫無疑問會以相同的方式回應。

但實際的情況是,那並不是我對這個人所瞭解的全部。我在二十年前遇見的,是一位協助引領我信仰基督的人、是一位對我闡述以愛照護我們同胞的義務的人、告訴我要關懷病者而拉拔窮人的人。他是個曾經在海軍陸戰隊報效國家的男子漢,他也曾在國內最優秀的大學及神學院就讀及講課,他也曾在超過三十年的時光中,帶領教會在世間做上帝的善行,如提供無家可歸者棲身之處、照料有急難需求的人、提供日間托兒服務、贊助獎學金、到監獄佈道、且向身受愛滋病所苦的病患伸出援助之手。

在我的第一本書《我父之夢》裡,我曾描述過我在三一教會第一次參加的佈道會之經驗:

「人們開始呼喊,從座中立起,擊掌而高聲大叫。一陣強烈的風將牧師的聲音帶到屋脊之上…而在那齊一的音符中 – 希望! – 我聽到了更多;在那十字架腳邊,在城市裡上千座教堂中,我想見了尋常黑人的故事和大衛與巨人哥利亞、摩西與法老、以西結的白骨回生這些聖經故事融合為一。這些生存、自由與希望的故事,成為了我們的故事,我的故事。故事中所流的血,成為我們的血、那滴下的淚,化做我們的淚;直到這黑人教會,在這明亮的白日,好似再次成為了承載著眾人故事的船隻,向廣闊未來世界中的世世代代而去。我們的試煉與勝利既獨一無二而又普及於萬眾,屬於黑人,而不只屬於黑人。在記錄我們的旅途中,這些故事、歌謠使我們有方法能取回我們所不需感到羞愧的記憶…讓所有人能夠學習且珍惜的記憶、讓所有人能開始重建的記憶。」

那才是我在三一教會的經驗。像全美國各地任何其他黑人為主的教堂一樣,三一教會包含了黑人族群的所有層面。醫師與靠福利救助生活的母親、模範學生與前幫派份子。如同其他黑人教會一般,三一教會的講道充滿了喧鬧的笑聲及時而俗氣下流的幽默。它們充滿了對不熟悉的人而言可能刺耳的舞蹈、擊掌、尖叫與高呼。這教會中完整包容了善良與殘酷、熾烈的才智與驚人的無知、掙扎與成功、愛心與,是的,苦澀及偏見,這些組成美國黑人生活的全部經驗。

而這,也許,能幫助解釋我與萊特牧師的關係。即使他如此地不完美,他對於我還是如同親人一般。他堅定了我的信仰、主持我的婚禮、並領洗我的孩子。我一次都未曾在與他談話時,聽到他對其他族裔說出貶抑之詞;或是對待任何他所接觸的白人時,有任何禮貌與尊重之外的舉止。他在他一人之中包含了,無論好壞,他如此多年來勤奮服務的族群的特質。

我不能與他斷絕關係,正如同我不能與黑人族群斷絕關係。我不能與他斷絕關係,正如同我不能與我的白人祖母斷絕關係。我的白人祖母協助養育我、一次又一次地為我做出犧牲,而且愛我如同她愛這世上任何事物。但她也曾經承認他對路過黑人男子的恐懼,而她也曾不止一次說出讓我揪心蜷縮的種族刻板印象字句。

這些人都是我的一部份。而且他們也是美國的一部份,這個我所摯愛的國家。

有些人會把這視為一個將單純不可原諒的文字合理化或找藉口的嘗試。我可以向你保證,這不是。我想,政治上安全的作法應該是讓這事件過去,然後希望它消失在叢林之中。我們可以將萊特牧師當作怪人或煽動者來打發掉,如同有些人在她最近發表言論之後,以隱藏著深層的種族偏見為由打發了潔拉汀‧費拉洛一樣。(註1)

但是種族議題,是我相信這國家不能在此時忽略的議題。若如此做,則我們將會犯了如同萊特牧師那些令人反感的講道一樣的錯 -- 將刻板印象簡化而放大負面觀點,直到扭曲了事實。

事實是,最近這幾週所出現的評論及浮現的議題,反映了在這個國家中,種族這複雜議題其實從來沒有得到真正解決。這是我們聯邦仍須改善以求更完美的一部份。如果我們現在遠離這個議題,如果我們僅僅撤退回各自的角落,我們永遠不會聚在一起,一同解決如醫療體系、教育、或為每個人找份好工作的真正挑戰。

要瞭解這個現實,得先瞭解我們是如何到達這個局面的。如同威廉‧佛克納所說「過去還沒有蓋棺論定。說實在的,過去根本還沒有過去。」我們並不需要在這裡重述這國家中種族不正義的歷史。但我們確實需要提醒我們自己,今日在非裔美人族群中所存在的許多分歧,可以直接追溯到從上一代遺留下來的不平等待遇、在奴隸制度與吉姆‧克羅種族分離法案之下受苦的殘酷遺產。(註2)

種族分離的學校曾經是,而且仍然是,較差的學校。我們在布朗vs教育董事會一案判決之後五十年,仍然還沒有解決這個問題。(註3)而他們所提供的較差教育,無論當時及現在,協助解釋今日白人與黑人學生之間普遍的成就差距。

訂於法令中的歧視,當黑人被透過暴力禁止擁有財產、或是不提供借款給非裔美人的小生意老闆、或是黑人購屋者不能夠獲得聯邦住屋局的貸款、或是將黑人排除於公會、警察、消防隊之外等等,這代表者黑人家庭不能夠累積任何有意義的財富,來遺留給下一代。這個歷史協助解釋了黑白之間的收入及財富差距,以及在今日這麼多城市及鄉村社區中,密集的貧困區域。

在黑人男性中經濟機會的缺乏,以及不能供養家庭所產生的羞愧與挫折,導致了黑人家庭的侵蝕。這個問題可能還受多年以來的福利政策影響,而變的更差。而且許多都市黑人社區中缺乏基本服務,如孩子們能遊戲的公園、按規巡邏的警察、正規化的垃圾收集服務以及建築法規執法等,全都協助創造了一直困擾我們的一個暴力、荒蕪及漠視的循環。

這是萊特牧師以及他那一代的許多非裔美人成長過程所面對的現實。他們在五十年代末期及六十年代初時成年,一個種族隔離仍屬於法律規定而機會遭受到系統化限制的時代。值得評論的不是在歧視之下有多少人失敗了。而是有多少男男女女克服了困境,在無路之處篳路藍縷,為我這一輩後來的人開出條路來。

但在所有努力奮鬥扒出一條路來獲得美國夢一角的人之外,還有許多人沒能成功。這些在各種原因之下,因遭受歧視而終究敗下陣來的人。這些失敗的遺留效應,也被傳遞到新生的下一代,那些在街角呆站或在監獄裡消沈的少男,以及逐漸增加的少女,對將來沒有一丁點希望或期待。即使是那些取得成功的黑人,種族問題和種族歧視依然以根本地定義著他們的世界觀。對於萊特牧師那一代的男男女女,羞辱、懷疑與恐懼的記憶並沒有離開。那些年來的憤怒與苦澀也依然留下。那些憤怒也許不會在公開場合中,在白人朋友或同事面前表示出來。但是這些仍然會在理髮店或餐桌旁發聲。有時候,那些憤怒受到政治人物的利用,沿著種族界線來獲取選票、或是用來掩蓋政治人物自己的不足。

偶爾,這些憤怒也在週日上午的教堂中發出聲音來。在講道台上、在聽眾席中。有這麼多人對於聽到萊特牧師講道中的憤怒感到驚訝這個事實,正提醒我們那句老話:在美國人的生活中,種族隔離最嚴重的時間是在星期日上午大家上教堂的時候。那份怒氣並不總是有幫助的。事實上,在太多時候他分散了該用來解決真正議題的注意力。這使我們不能正面面對我們自己在這處境中所應負起的責任,也阻止了非裔美人族群來組成促進真正改變所需要的聯盟。但是這份怒氣是真實的,強烈的。而單純許願希望它消失,批評它而不去瞭解它的根源,只能讓種族之間誤解的隙縫更加拉寬。

事實上,在白人族群中的一些區塊,也存在著相類似的憤怒。大部分勞工階級與中產階級的美國白人,並不覺得他們因自身種族而得到了什麼特權。他們的經驗是外來移民的經驗。就他們所知,從來沒有什麼人給過他們什麼,他們從零開始建立了一切。他們一生努力工作,但很多時候卻看到職位被轉移到海外,或是退休金在奮鬥一輩子後化為烏有。他們對於他們的未來感到焦慮,也感受到夢想正在從手中溜走。在一個工資漲幅停頓與全球競爭的時代,機會被視為一個零合遊戲,也就是你的夢想是從我手中奪走的。所以當有人告訴他們要送他們的小孩坐公車到城市另一端,只為了學校族裔人口要求、當他們聽到非裔美人在爭取好工作或大學入學名額時,因為他們自己從未犯下的過錯而有保障名額優勢、當有人告訴他們在心中對市區犯罪的恐懼只不過是個偏見,埋怨便隨時間逐漸累積。

正如黑人族群中的憤怒一般,這些埋怨並不總會在禮貌場合表達出來。但是它們協助了塑造至少一整個世代的政治地貌。對福利措施及保障入學政策的憤怒協助促成了雷根的聯盟。政治人物屢次利用對犯罪的恐懼來達到自己的政治目的。脫口秀主持人和保守派評論員們靠著指出不存在的種族歧視事件建立了整個事業;而對真實種族不義及不公按理應該有的討論,卻被當作政治正確或是逆向種族歧視給打發掉了。

就如同黑人的憤怒常常實際上產生反效果,這些白人的積怨也將注意力從對中產階級遭受擠壓的真正罪魁禍首身上分散開來。充滿了內線交易的公司文化、可疑的會計操作、以及短視的貪婪;受到說客及利益團體掌控的華盛頓政府、優惠少數而非多數的經濟政策等。但,單純希望白人的積怨憑空消失,或是將他們貼上被誤導或種族主義的標籤而不能理解他們有真實合理的背景,這也加寬了種族之間的分歧,且阻擋了通往真正諒解的道路。

這,就是我們現在的情況。這是個我們已經受困其中多年的種族僵持局面。與某些批評我的人所說相反,無論是黑人白人,我從未天真到相信我們可以在一次選舉週期中,甚或是一任總統任期中,超越我們的種族歧見。尤其是如我一般不完美的競選人。

但我確立了一個堅定的信念,一個來自於我對上帝的信心及我對美國人民的信念。當一起合作時,我們可以跨過一些陳年的種族傷痕,而且我們如果要繼續踏上「更完美的聯邦」之路,別無選擇。

對於非裔美人族群,這條路代表著擁抱我們過去的負擔,但不成為過去的受害者。這代表著繼續堅持在美國生活中每一個層面的完整公義。但這也代表了將我們的特定不滿之處,如更好的醫療體系、更好的學校、更好的工作等,與所有美國人更廣大的期望結合在一起。如那正努力衝破玻璃天花板的白種女人、被裁員的白種男人、試圖餵飽一家人的移民。這也代表著對我們的生活負起完全的責任,透過對於我們的父親要求更多的關愛、花更多時間陪伴我們的孩子們、對他們閱讀、教導他們即使他們可能會在他們生命中遇到些挑戰與歧視,他們永遠不能臣服於絕望或譏諷之下、他們必須要永遠相信,他們能寫下自己的命運。

諷刺地,這個典型的美國的 -- 是的,保守主義的 -- 天助自助的想法,在萊特牧師的講道中時常出現。但是我的前牧師經常未能瞭解的,是踏上自我協助的計畫,也需要這社會能夠改變的信念。

萊特牧師講道內容最大的錯誤,並不是他談到了社會上種族主義的話題。而是他說話時,把這社會當作是靜止不變的;當作沒有發生任何進展;當作這個國家 – 這個讓他信眾的一份子能夠競選這片土地上最高的職位,建立一個跨越黑白、拉丁裔與亞裔、富人與窮人、年輕人與老人的聯盟的國家 – 仍舊無可救藥地束縛於一個悲劇性的過往。但我們知道,我們已看到的,是美國能夠改變。這才是這個國家的真正天才所在。我們所已經達成的成果,給予了我們希望 - 敢於希望的無畏 – 來達成我們能夠而且必須在明天達成的一切。

在白人族群中,通往更完美聯邦的路代表著認知到困擾著非裔美人族群的問題,並不只存在於黑人的想像中;種族歧視的遺跡以及今日的歧視案例 -- 雖然已比過去不明顯-- 是真實存在的,而且需要解決。並不只是用言語,而是以行動。透過在我們的學校與社區中投資、透過執行我們的人權法律及保證犯罪正義系統中的公平、透過提供這一代人前幾代人所沒有機會階梯。這需要所有美國人來瞭解到,你的夢想並不一定要來自於我的夢想的損失;瞭解到對黑人、白人、棕色人種的孩子們的健康、福利及教育投資改善,最終會幫助整個美國繁榮。

那麼,最後,所要求的並不多過、也不少於所有世界上的偉大宗教所要求的:要人如何對待你,便如何對待別人。讓我們成為我們兄弟的守護者,如聖經經文所說。讓我們找尋彼此之間的共同之處,而讓我們的政策反應它。

因為我們對這國家有個選擇。我們可以接受產生分裂、紛爭與譏諷的政治。我們可以對種族問題只當作作秀來看,如同我們在O.J Simpson辛普森殺妻案中一般、或是只在悲劇發生之後才注意到,如我們在Katrina颱風之後、或是夜間新聞的消費品。我們可以在每個電視頻道、每一天播放萊特牧師的講道,一直到大選當天,然後把我是否相信或同情他最引人厭惡的言論,當作這次競選的唯一話題。我們可以對希拉蕊支持者的幾句失言窮追猛打,當作她在打種族牌的證據;或是我們可以猜測白人男性會不會毫不考慮共和黨候選人約翰‧馬坎的政策,而在大選中全數支持他。

我們可以那樣做。

但如果我們這樣做了,我可以告訴你在下一次競選時,我們會繼續討論其他的干擾議題。然後下一個。然後再下一個。然後什麼都不會改變。

那是一個選項。或是,在此時此刻,在這次大選,我們可以凝聚在一起而說:「這次不會」。這次我們要談談正在崩壞的學校,它們偷取了黑人孩子、白人孩子、亞裔孩子、西班牙裔孩子、美國原住民孩子的未來。這次我們要拒絕告訴我們「這些孩子學不了」的諷刺犬儒主義;拒絕把看來不像我們的孩子當作是別人的問題。美國的孩子不是「那些孩子」,他們是我們的孩子。我們不會讓它們在二十一世紀的經濟中落後。這次不會。

這次我們要談談排在急診室中的長龍,是如何排滿了沒有醫療保險的白人、黑人與西班牙裔;這些光靠自身無力抵抗華盛頓的特殊利益份子,但是若我們一同努力可以抵抗它們的老百姓。

這次我們要談談曾經提供給每個族裔的男男女女美好生活,卻拉下了鐵門的工廠;曾經屬於每一個宗教、每一個地區、每一個行業的美國人的,如今卻高掛著「售屋」牌的住家。這一次我們要談談真正的問題,而這並不是長相與你不同的人會搶你的工作,是所你服務的公司會把你的職位移往海外,只為了賺取一點利潤。

這一次我們要談談每一種膚色、每一種信念的男男女女。他們在那同一面光榮的旗幟之下一同服役、一同作戰、一同流血。我們要談談該如何從一個從來不應許可也從不應發動的戰爭之中,帶他們回家。而且我們要談談我們要如何透過照顧他們及他們的家人,以及給予他們應得的福利,來展現我們的愛國心。

我如果不是全心全意地相信,這些是絕大部分的美國人對這國家的期望,我不會來參選總統。這個聯邦也許永遠不能完美,但是一代又一代已經顯示了,它永遠可以更為完美。於是今天,當我發現自己對這個可能性感到懷疑或嘲諷時,給我最大力量的就是下一代 -- 已經以他們的態度、信念及對改變的開放心胸在這次選舉中創造了歷史的年輕人。

今天有一個故事,想要在這裡留給大家。一個我曾有榮幸在馬丁‧路德‧金博士生日時,在他生前的教堂,亞特蘭大的艾伯那澤浸信會中述說的故事。

有一位年輕,二十三歲的白人女子,名叫艾希莉‧白雅。她在南卡羅來那州的佛羅倫斯鎮,組織我們的競選團隊。她從競選一開始,便在一個多數為非裔美人的社區中組織競選。有一天,她在一個圓桌討論會上,每個人都要說出他們的故事,以及他們為什麼在這裡參與競選。

而艾希莉說,當她還只是九歲大的時候,她母親得了癌症,必須很多天不能上班。於是她被解聘,而且失去了健保。他們被迫申請破產,就在那時,艾希莉決定,她該要做些什麼。

她知道食物是他們最昂貴的支出之一,所以艾希莉說服了她母親,他真正想吃而且比什麼東西都更愛吃的,是芥菜和醬菜三明治。因為那是吃東西最便宜的辦法。

她這樣子吃了一年,直到她媽媽病情好轉。而她告訴圓桌邊的每個人,她加入我們競選團隊的原因,是因為這樣子她就可以幫助這國家中,以百萬計的其他需要協助他們父母的孩子。

艾希莉也可能做出不同的選擇。也許有人在半途上告訴她,她母親遭受問題的根源是靠福利救濟而太懶不願工作的黑人;或是非法進入這個國家的西班牙裔移民。但是她並沒有。她在這對抗不公的抗爭中,尋求可以合作的同伴。

無論如何,艾希莉結束了她的故事。然後她繞著房間走,尋問每個人他為何要支持我們這次的競選。他們都有不同的故事和理由。很多人有特定的議題。最後,他們終於來到了這一位年長的黑人男子,他在這裡全程默默地坐著。然後艾希莉問他,他為何在這裡。他並沒有提出特定的議題。他並沒有提到醫療體系或是經濟。他並沒有提到教育或是戰爭。他並沒有說他是為了巴拉克‧歐巴馬而來。他簡單地對房間裡的每一個人說,「我是為了艾希莉來的」。

「我是為了艾希莉來的」。僅此本身,那一個年輕白人女孩與年長黑人男子互相認識瞭解的瞬間,還不夠。這還不足以對病人提供醫療服務、對失業者提供工作、或是對我們的孩子提供教育。

但這正是我們的起點。我們的聯邦就是從此茁壯。而正如這麼多世世代代的人們,自一小群愛國者於兩百二十一年前,在費城簽署那份文件後所瞭解到的,那就是追求更完美的起點。


註1:潔拉汀‧費拉洛 Geraldine Ferarro民主黨女性眾議員,曾在1984年做為副總統候選人,與Walter Mondale搭檔參選總統。後敗於雷根。參與希拉蕊的競選團隊,於2008年3月7日在加州每日微風報上發表評論:「如果歐巴馬是白人,他不會在這個位置;如果他是個女人,他也不會在這個位置。」這段話引起很大的爭議,及歐巴馬陣營的抗議。在3月12日,她退出競選團隊,表示不希望給希拉蕊帶來進一步傷害,但自始至終沒有收回此言論。

註2:Jim Crow 是白人對黑人的輕蔑稱呼,代指許多種族隔離法案的總稱。在許多南方州裡,曾有黑白必須就讀不同學校,搭乘不同公車,使用不同廁所等等的歧視法案。

註3: Brown vs. Board of Education. 美國最高法院於1954年5月17日發下的判例,推翻之前黑白各自設立學校的各州法案。視為種族平等進程的一大突破。



A More Perfect Union英文原文:

"We the people, in order to form a more perfect union."

Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America's improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.

The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation's original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.

Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution - a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.

And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part - through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk - to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.

This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign - to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together - unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction - towards a better future for of children and our grandchildren.

This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own American story.

I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton's Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas. I've gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world's poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slaveowners - an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.

It's a story that hasn't made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts - that out of many, we are truly one.

Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans.

This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either "too black" or "not black enough." We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.

And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn.

On one end of the spectrum, we've heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it's based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap. On the other end, we've heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that rightly offend white and black alike.

I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely - just as I'm sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed.

But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren't simply controversial. They weren't simply a religious leader's effort to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country - a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.

As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems - two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.

Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and You Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way.

But the truth is, that isn't all that I know of the man. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another; to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who served his country as a U.S. Marine; who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by doing God's work here on Earth - by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.

In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity:

"People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend's voice up into the rafters....And in that single note - hope! - I heard something else; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion's den, Ezekiel's field of dry bones. Those stories - of survival, and freedom, and hope - became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim memories that we didn't need to feel shame about...memories that all people might study and cherish - and with which we could start to rebuild."


That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety - the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity's services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias that make up the black experience in America.

And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions - the good and the bad - of the community that he has served diligently for so many years.

I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother - a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe.

These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love.

Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated racial bias.

But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America - to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.

The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we've never really worked through - a part of our union that we have yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs for every American.

Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past isn't dead and buried. In fact, it isn't even past." We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.

Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven't fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today's black and white students.

Legalized discrimination - where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments - meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today's urban and rural communities.

A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family, contributed to the erosion of black families - a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods - parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement - all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.

This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What's remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.

But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn't make it - those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations - those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician's own failings.

And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright's sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races.

In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don't feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience - as far as they're concerned, no one's handed them anything, they've built it from scratch. They've worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed; when they're told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment builds over time.

Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren't always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism.

Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze - a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns - this too widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.

This is where we are right now. It's a racial stalemate we've been stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naïve as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a single candidacy - particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.

But I have asserted a firm conviction - a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people - that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice is we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.

For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances - for better health care, and better schools, and better jobs - to the larger aspirations of all Americans -- the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full responsibility for own lives - by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they must always believe that they can write their own destiny.

Ironically, this quintessentially American - and yes, conservative - notion of self-help found frequent expression in Reverend Wright's sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change.

The profound mistake of Reverend Wright's sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. It's that he spoke as if our society was static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country - a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old -- is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. But what we know -- what we have seen - is that America can change. That is true genius of this nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope - the audacity to hope - for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination - and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past - are real and must be addressed. Not just with words, but with deeds - by investing in our schools and our communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper.

In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world's great religions demand - that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother's keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister's keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.

For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle - as we did in the OJ trial - or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina - or as fodder for the nightly news. We can play Reverend Wright's sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she's playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his policies.

We can do that.

But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we'll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then another one. And nothing will change.

That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, "Not this time." This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can't learn; that those kids who don't look like us are somebody else's problem. The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st century economy. Not this time.

This time we want to talk about how the lines in the Emergency Room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care; who don't have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.

This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn't look like you might take your job; it's that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit.

This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should've been authorized and never should've been waged, and we want to talk about how we'll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they have earned.

I would not be running for President if I didn't believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation - the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.

There is one story in particularly that I'd like to leave you with today - a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King's birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.

There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.

And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.

She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.

She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.

Now Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother's problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn't. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice.

Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who's been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he's there. And he does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashley."

"I'm here because of Ashley." By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children.

But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.




A World that Stands as One


歐巴馬柏林演說中文譯文全文(來源):

感謝柏林市民和德國人民。感謝默克爾總理和外長施泰因邁爾今天早些時候對我的歡迎。感謝市長沃維萊特、柏林參議院和柏林警察,感謝你們給我熱情的歡迎。

我來柏林之前,已有很多我的同胞來過。今晚,我在這裡發言,並不是作為總統候選人,而是作為一名值得驕傲的美國公民和一名世界公民的身份。

我知道我並不像以前在這個偉大的城市曾經演講過的美國人一樣。引導我到達這裡的征途是神奇的。我的母親出生在美國的中心,但我父親在肯尼亞長大,從小放牧山羊。他的父親——我的祖父是一名英國人的廚師。

在冷戰高峰的時期,我父親決定,和其他許多被遺忘在世界各個角落的人們一樣,他渴望和夢想著西方承諾給予世人的自由和機會。所以他給全美各地所有大學寫信,直到在某地的一個人給了他答復:祈禱一個更美好的生活。

這就是我在這裡的原因。和你們也知道這種向往而在這裡一樣。這座城市連同它所有的市民,也都深知自由的夢想。你也知道今晚我們站在在這裡唯一原因,那就是因為從我們各自的國家走到一起來的男人和女人,都為了更美好的生活工作、奮斗和犧牲。

真正開始我們的伙伴關系是在六十年前的一個夏天,當時美國第一架飛機降落在這裡。那一天,這裡的大部分地區仍是廢墟。城市中的瓦礫還沒有被建成柏林牆。而蘇聯已席卷東歐,在西方,美國、英國、法國評估了他們的損失,並思考如何在世界上開展重建工作。

就是在這裡雙方開始了會晤。1948年6月,蘇聯選擇封鎖柏林西部。超過兩百萬德國人的食物和日用品供應被切斷。

過去的戰爭已經結束,而另一場世界大戰,很容易的被點燃了。能阻擋這個的就是柏林。

那是當空運開始——歷史上最大和最不可能拯救給這個城市的人民帶來了的食物和希望。然而可怕的幾率阻礙了我們的成功。在冬季,大霧彌漫在城市上空,許多飛機被迫返航並無法投擲食品和日用品。在我們站立的街道上,充滿了飢餓的家庭,他們不曾在冷戰中舒適過。

但即使在這最黑暗的時刻,柏林全體市民希望的火焰依舊熊熊燃燒。柏林人民拒絕放棄。在一個秋天裡,數以十萬計的柏林人來到這裡,聆聽他們的市長蒂爾加騰,向世界懇請不要放棄自由的演講。他說,“世界上隻有一種可能性”, “我們團結一致站在一起直到勝利,柏林人民已經向世界宣誓過,我們盡了我們應盡的職責,而且我們將繼續我們的職責責任。世界人民的:履行職責…世界人民,注視著柏林吧!”

世界人民 請注視柏林!

注視柏林,在這裡,兩個國家經歷了三年的戰爭,德國人與美國人才認識到應該攜手合作、相互信任。

注視柏林,在這裡,滿懷決心的人們看到了慷慨的馬歇爾計劃,並創造了德國的奇跡。注視柏林,在這裡,建筑物上密布的彈孔和勃蘭登堡門附近的支柱提醒我們,永遠不要忘記我們共有的人性。

世界人民,注視柏林,這這裡,柏林牆到了,大陸走到一起,歷史証明,沒有比這更大的挑戰了。

在空運之后六十年,我們再次呼吁。歷史已經將我們引領到一個新的十字路口、新的承諾和新的危險。當您,德國人,拆除這堵牆﹔恐懼和希望——全世界的“柏林牆”都倒塌了。民主門窗被打開,市場也開放了,信息和技術的傳播減少了貿易壁壘創造著機會和繁榮。20世紀告訴我們,我們有著共同的命運,21世紀昭示我們,世界將變得比人類歷史上過去的任何時代更加密不可分。

這就是為什麼美國不能改變方向的原因。這就是為什麼歐洲不能改變方向的原因。除了歐洲,美國恐怕沒有更好的合作伙伴。現在是我們橫渡大西洋、建立新的橋梁,讓我們成為強大的整體的偉大時刻。現在是我們聯合起來、不斷合作、共同犧牲,促進全球的進展,迎接二十一世紀挑戰的偉大時刻。這是承載這一精神,才有了今天飛機橫穿上空,我們的領袖和人民站在這裡。這是我們的國家和所有國家必須重新召喚這種精神的時刻。

這是我們必須戰勝恐怖和消滅極端主義的時候了。這一威脅是真實的,我們應該毫不猶疑,我們的責任就是要消滅它。我們可以建立一個新的全球伙伴關系,以拆除已建立在馬德裡和安曼、在倫敦和巴厘、華盛頓和紐約的恐怖網絡。我們可以拒絕導致仇恨的極端主義。

這是我們必須重申我們的決心的時候了,我們要擊潰威脅我們在阿富汗安全的恐怖分子。沒有人歡迎戰爭。我承認在阿富汗我們面臨著巨大的困難。但我的國家和你們有著惺惺相惜的關系。為了阿富汗人民和我們共同的安全,這項工作我們義不容辭。但美國孤軍奮戰是不能成功的。阿富汗人民需要我們的部隊和你們的部隊、我們的支持和你們的支持,來打敗塔利班和基地組織,發展他們的經濟,並幫助他們重建家園。現在我們有太多的困難要去克服。

這是我們必須重申的目標——一個沒有核武器的世界——的時候了。兩個超級大國,面對這面牆,卻是要摧毀我們已建設的和我們所愛的。這堵牆消失后,我們不能袖手旁觀和默默觀賞致命核子的進一步傳播。這是我們確保核材料的流失是安全的和防止核武器擴散並減少庫存的時候了。這是我們開始工作並尋求一個沒有核武器的和平世界的時刻了。

這是歐洲每一個國家有機會選擇從昨天的陰影中釋放出來的時候了。在這個世紀,我們需要一個強大的歐洲聯盟,深化安全和富強歐洲。在這個世紀,在這個城市的所有市民,我們必須摒棄冷戰思維,並決心與俄羅斯合作,我們可以為我們的價值觀而戰斗,我們必須尋求合作伙伴關系將我們的利益擴展到整個大陸。

這是我們必須建立財富、開放市場、創造和分享更公平的利益的時候了。貿易一直是我們增長和全球發展的一塊基石。但如果它有利於少數而不是多數,我們將不維持這樣的增長。所以,我們必須開拓貿易、創造財富、保護我們的人民和我們的星球。這是享受自由和公正貿易的時刻。

這是我們必須幫助中東呼喚新的曙光的時候了。我國必須與歐洲站在一起,給伊朗發出一個明確和直接信號:它必須放棄自己的核野心。支持以色列人和巴勒斯坦人尋求一個持久和安全的和平。盡管過去我們存在分歧,但此時,世界各國應支持伊拉克人民重建他們的家園,而且我們有責任通過和伊拉克政府合作,最終結束這場戰爭。

這是我們必須走到一起拯救我們的星球的時候了。讓我們下定決心,我們不會離開我們的孩子,上升的海平面、蔓延的飢荒和可怕的風暴蹂躪我們的土地。包括所有國家,包括我自己,用我們的行動戰勝苦難,正如貴國所作的,減少排放到空氣中的碳。這是給予我們的孩子他們自己的未來的時候了。

這是在一個全球化的世界裡我們必須給予我們的后代以希望的時候了。我們必須緊記,冷戰時期誕生的這個城市並不是一個爭奪土地或財富的戰場。60年前,飛機飛越柏林沒有投擲食物,但是他們運送食物、煤和糖果。在這團結方面的表現,我們這些飛行員贏得了比戰場上更大的勝利和榮耀。他們贏得了人心、愛、忠誠和信任——不隻是來自這個城市人民,也來自所有聽到這個故事的所有人們。

現在世界將審視並銘記我們在這裡所做的——這一刻我們做的。我們將向被遺忘在角落裡的人民伸出我們的手,這個世界上誰不向往為標志著尊嚴和機會的生活、向往著安全和正義呢?我們會把孟加拉國的兒童、乍得的難民從貧困中解救出來嗎?

我們將拒絕酷刑和為法治而戰嗎?我們將歡迎從不同的土地而來的移民、不歧視他們和信守對我們所有人的平等和機會的承諾嗎?
柏林人民﹔世界人民﹔這是我們的時刻。

這是我們的時代。

我知道我的國家並不是很完善。有時,我們為我們所有的人民而信守承諾的自由和平等而奮斗。我們也犯了很多錯誤,有時我們在世界各地的行動沒有實現我們最好的意圖。但我也知道我是多麼熱愛美國。我知道,兩個多世紀以來,我們已付出巨大的代價和巨大的犧牲,形成一個更加完善的聯盟﹔尋求與其他國家,建設一個更有希望的世界。我們的忠誠從來沒有根植在任何特定的部落或國家,事實上,在我們的國家,每一種語言都可以被講,每一種文化都已脫離我們的印記﹔每一種觀點都可以在我們的廣場被宣揚。這正是團結我們、驅使我們、促使我的父親到達美國的信念,一套理想的信念——所有的人共享:我們可以生活在免於恐懼、免於自由匱乏的國度﹔我們可以選擇和崇拜,因為我們願意。

這些都是在這個城市所有國民願望加入其中的願望。這些願望是比任何驅動都要強大的。這是所有自由的人訴求成為柏林公民的願望。這是我們新的一代-我們這一代人的追求:一定要成功。

柏林人民和世界人民,我們的挑戰是巨大的。前進的道路將是漫長的。但我來這裡是要說我們要繼承為自由而斗爭。放眼未來,答案在我們的心中,讓我們銘記這段歷史,回應我們的命運,重塑世界。



A World that Stands as One英文原文:

Thank you to the citizens of Berlin and to the people of Germany. Let me thank Chancellor Merkel and Foreign Minister Steinmeier for welcoming me earlier today. Thank you Mayor Wowereit, the Berlin Senate, the police, and most of all thank you for this welcome.

I come to Berlin as so many of my countrymen have come before. Tonight, I speak to you not as a candidate for President, but as a citizen - a proud citizen of the United States, and a fellow citizen of the world.

I know that I don't look like the Americans who've previously spoken in this great city. The journey that led me here is improbable. My mother was born in the heartland of America, but my father grew up herding goats in Kenya. His father - my grandfather - was a cook, a domestic servant to the British.

At the height of the Cold War, my father decided, like so many others in the forgotten corners of the world, that his yearning - his dream - required the freedom and opportunity promised by the West. And so he wrote letter after letter to universities all across America until somebody, somewhere answered his prayer for a better life.

That is why I'm here. And you are here because you too know that yearning. This city, of all cities, knows the dream of freedom. And you know that the only reason we stand here tonight is because men and women from both of our nations came together to work, and struggle, and sacrifice for that better life.

Ours is a partnership that truly began sixty years ago this summer, on the day when the first American plane touched down at Templehof.

On that day, much of this continent still lay in ruin. The rubble of this city had yet to be built into a wall. The Soviet shadow had swept across Eastern Europe, while in the West, America, Britain, and France took stock of their losses, and pondered how the world might be remade.

This is where the two sides met. And on the twenty-fourth of June, 1948, the Communists chose to blockade the western part of the city. They cut off food and supplies to more than two million Germans in an effort to extinguish the last flame of freedom in Berlin.

The size of our forces was no match for the much larger Soviet Army. And yet retreat would have allowed Communism to march across Europe. Where the last war had ended, another World War could have easily begun. All that stood in the way was Berlin.

And that's when the airlift began - when the largest and most unlikely rescue in history brought food and hope to the people of this city.

The odds were stacked against success. In the winter, a heavy fog filled the sky above, and many planes were forced to turn back without dropping off the needed supplies. The streets where we stand were filled with hungry families who had no comfort from the cold.

But in the darkest hours, the people of Berlin kept the flame of hope burning. The people of Berlin refused to give up. And on one fall day, hundreds of thousands of Berliners came here, to the Tiergarten, and heard the city's mayor implore the world not to give up on freedom. "There is only one possibility," he said. "For us to stand together united until this battle is won...The people of Berlin have spoken. We have done our duty, and we will keep on doing our duty. People of the world: now do your duty...People of the world, look at Berlin!"

People of the world - look at Berlin!

Look at Berlin, where Germans and Americans learned to work together and trust each other less than three years after facing each other on the field of battle.

Look at Berlin, where the determination of a people met the generosity of the Marshall Plan and created a German miracle; where a victory over tyranny gave rise to NATO, the greatest alliance ever formed to defend our common security.

Look at Berlin, where the bullet holes in the buildings and the somber stones and pillars near the Brandenburg Gate insist that we never forget our common humanity.

People of the world - look at Berlin, where a wall came down, a continent came together, and history proved that there is no challenge too great for a world that stands as one.

Sixty years after the airlift, we are called upon again. History has led us to a new crossroad, with new promise and new peril. When you, the German people, tore down that wall - a wall that divided East and West; freedom and tyranny; fear and hope - walls came tumbling down around the world. From Kiev to Cape Town, prison camps were closed, and the doors of democracy were opened. Markets opened too, and the spread of information and technology reduced barriers to opportunity and prosperity. While the 20th century taught us that we share a common destiny, the 21st has revealed a world more intertwined than at any time in human history.

The fall of the Berlin Wall brought new hope. But that very closeness has given rise to new dangers - dangers that cannot be contained within the borders of a country or by the distance of an ocean.

The terrorists of September 11th plotted in Hamburg and trained in Kandahar and Karachi before killing thousands from all over the globe on American soil.

As we speak, cars in Boston and factories in Beijing are melting the ice caps in the Arctic, shrinking coastlines in the Atlantic, and bringing drought to farms from Kansas to Kenya.

Poorly secured nuclear material in the former Soviet Union, or secrets from a scientist in Pakistan could help build a bomb that detonates in Paris. The poppies in Afghanistan become the heroin in Berlin. The poverty and violence in Somalia breeds the terror of tomorrow. The genocide in Darfur shames the conscience of us all.

In this new world, such dangerous currents have swept along faster than our efforts to contain them. That is why we cannot afford to be divided. No one nation, no matter how large or powerful, can defeat such challenges alone. None of us can deny these threats, or escape responsibility in meeting them. Yet, in the absence of Soviet tanks and a terrible wall, it has become easy to forget this truth. And if we're honest with each other, we know that sometimes, on both sides of the Atlantic, we have drifted apart, and forgotten our shared destiny.

In Europe, the view that America is part of what has gone wrong in our world, rather than a force to help make it right, has become all too common. In America, there are voices that deride and deny the importance of Europe's role in our security and our future. Both views miss the truth - that Europeans today are bearing new burdens and taking more responsibility in critical parts of the world; and that just as American bases built in the last century still help to defend the security of this continent, so does our country still sacrifice greatly for freedom around the globe.

Yes, there have been differences between America and Europe. No doubt, there will be differences in the future. But the burdens of global citizenship continue to bind us together. A change of leadership in Washington will not lift this burden. In this new century, Americans and Europeans alike will be required to do more - not less. Partnership and cooperation among nations is not a choice; it is the one way, the only way, to protect our common security and advance our common humanity.

That is why the greatest danger of all is to allow new walls to divide us from one another.

The walls between old allies on either side of the Atlantic cannot stand. The walls between the countries with the most and those with the least cannot stand. The walls between races and tribes; natives and immigrants; Christian and Muslim and Jew cannot stand. These now are the walls we must tear down.

We know they have fallen before. After centuries of strife, the people of Europe have formed a Union of promise and prosperity. Here, at the base of a column built to mark victory in war, we meet in the center of a Europe at peace. Not only have walls come down in Berlin, but they have come down in Belfast, where Protestant and Catholic found a way to live together; in the Balkans, where our Atlantic alliance ended wars and brought savage war criminals to justice; and in South Africa, where the struggle of a courageous people defeated apartheid.

So history reminds us that walls can be torn down. But the task is never easy. True partnership and true progress requires constant work and sustained sacrifice. They require sharing the burdens of development and diplomacy; of progress and peace. They require allies who will listen to each other, learn from each other and, most of all, trust each other.

That is why America cannot turn inward. That is why Europe cannot turn inward. America has no better partner than Europe. Now is the time to build new bridges across the globe as strong as the one that bound us across the Atlantic. Now is the time to join together, through constant cooperation, strong institutions, shared sacrifice, and a global commitment to progress, to meet the challenges of the 21st century. It was this spirit that led airlift planes to appear in the sky above our heads, and people to assemble where we stand today. And this is the moment when our nations - and all nations - must summon that spirit anew.

This is the moment when we must defeat terror and dry up the well of extremism that supports it. This threat is real and we cannot shrink from our responsibility to combat it. If we could create NATO to face down the Soviet Union, we can join in a new and global partnership to dismantle the networks that have struck in Madrid and Amman; in London and Bali; in Washington and New York. If we could win a battle of ideas against the communists, we can stand with the vast majority of Muslims who reject the extremism that leads to hate instead of hope.

This is the moment when we must renew our resolve to rout the terrorists who threaten our security in Afghanistan, and the traffickers who sell drugs on your streets. No one welcomes war. I recognize the enormous difficulties in Afghanistan. But my country and yours have a stake in seeing that NATO's first mission beyond Europe's borders is a success. For the people of Afghanistan, and for our shared security, the work must be done. America cannot do this alone. The Afghan people need our troops and your troops; our support and your support to defeat the Taliban and al Qaeda, to develop their economy, and to help them rebuild their nation. We have too much at stake to turn back now.

This is the moment when we must renew the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. The two superpowers that faced each other across the wall of this city came too close too often to destroying all we have built and all that we love. With that wall gone, we need not stand idly by and watch the further spread of the deadly atom. It is time to secure all loose nuclear materials; to stop the spread of nuclear weapons; and to reduce the arsenals from another era. This is the moment to begin the work of seeking the peace of a world without nuclear weapons.

This is the moment when every nation in Europe must have the chance to choose its own tomorrow free from the shadows of yesterday. In this century, we need a strong European Union that deepens the security and prosperity of this continent, while extending a hand abroad. In this century - in this city of all cities - we must reject the Cold War mind-set of the past, and resolve to work with Russia when we can, to stand up for our values when we must, and to seek a partnership that extends across this entire continent.

This is the moment when we must build on the wealth that open markets have created, and share its benefits more equitably. Trade has been a cornerstone of our growth and global development. But we will not be able to sustain this growth if it favors the few, and not the many. Together, we must forge trade that truly rewards the work that creates wealth, with meaningful protections for our people and our planet. This is the moment for trade that is free and fair for all.

This is the moment we must help answer the call for a new dawn in the Middle East. My country must stand with yours and with Europe in sending a direct message to Iran that it must abandon its nuclear ambitions. We must support the Lebanese who have marched and bled for democracy, and the Israelis and Palestinians who seek a secure and lasting peace. And despite past differences, this is the moment when the world should support the millions of Iraqis who seek to rebuild their lives, even as we pass responsibility to the Iraqi government and finally bring this war to a close.

This is the moment when we must come together to save this planet. Let us resolve that we will not leave our children a world where the oceans rise and famine spreads and terrible storms devastate our lands. Let us resolve that all nations - including my own - will act with the same seriousness of purpose as has your nation, and reduce the carbon we send into our atmosphere. This is the moment to give our children back their future. This is the moment to stand as one.

And this is the moment when we must give hope to those left behind in a globalized world. We must remember that the Cold War born in this city was not a battle for land or treasure. Sixty years ago, the planes that flew over Berlin did not drop bombs; instead they delivered food, and coal, and candy to grateful children. And in that show of solidarity, those pilots won more than a military victory. They won hearts and minds; love and loyalty and trust - not just from the people in this city, but from all those who heard the story of what they did here.

Now the world will watch and remember what we do here - what we do with this moment. Will we extend our hand to the people in the forgotten corners of this world who yearn for lives marked by dignity and opportunity; by security and justice? Will we lift the child in Bangladesh from poverty, shelter the refugee in Chad, and banish the scourge of AIDS in our time?

Will we stand for the human rights of the dissident in Burma, the blogger in Iran, or the voter in Zimbabwe? Will we give meaning to the words "never again" in Darfur?

Will we acknowledge that there is no more powerful example than the one each of our nations projects to the world? Will we reject torture and stand for the rule of law? Will we welcome immigrants from different lands, and shun discrimination against those who don't look like us or worship like we do, and keep the promise of equality and opportunity for all of our people?

People of Berlin - people of the world - this is our moment. This is our time.

I know my country has not perfected itself. At times, we've struggled to keep the promise of liberty and equality for all of our people. We've made our share of mistakes, and there are times when our actions around the world have not lived up to our best intentions.

But I also know how much I love America. I know that for more than two centuries, we have strived - at great cost and great sacrifice - to form a more perfect union; to seek, with other nations, a more hopeful world. Our allegiance has never been to any particular tribe or kingdom - indeed, every language is spoken in our country; every culture has left its imprint on ours; every point of view is expressed in our public squares. What has always united us - what has always driven our people; what drew my father to America's shores - is a set of ideals that speak to aspirations shared by all people: that we can live free from fear and free from want; that we can speak our minds and assemble with whomever we choose and worship as we please.

These are the aspirations that joined the fates of all nations in this city. These aspirations are bigger than anything that drives us apart. It is because of these aspirations that the airlift began. It is because of these aspirations that all free people - everywhere - became citizens of Berlin. It is in pursuit of these aspirations that a new generation - our generation - must make our mark on the world.

People of Berlin - and people of the world - the scale of our challenge is great. The road ahead will be long. But I come before you to say that we are heirs to a struggle for freedom. We are a people of improbable hope. With an eye toward the future, with resolve in our hearts, let us remember this history, and answer our destiny, and remake the world once again.




Barack Obama Presidential Victory Speech


馬巴馬勝選感言中文譯文全文(來源):

Hello,芝加哥。

美國是一個一切皆有可能的地方,如果還有人對這一點心存懷疑,如果還有人懷疑美國奠基者的夢想在我們時代是否還有活力,還有人懷疑我們民主制度的力量,那麼,你們今晚正是對那些疑問作出了回答。

在學校和教堂周圍所出現的前所未有的長隊是答案,這個國家從未見過這麼多的人前來投票,人們排三個、四個小時的隊來進行有生以來的第一次投票,因為他們相信這一次將會不同,他們發出的聲音可能就是那個差別。

這是一個年輕人和年老人、富人和窮人、民主黨人和共和黨人、黑人、白人、西班牙裔人、亞裔、印地安人、同性戀和異性戀、殘障人士和健全人士所作出的回答。美國人向世界發出一個信息:我們從不只是一些個人的累加或者“紅色州”和“藍色州”的累加。

我們是,我們永遠是美利堅合眾國。

這是一個引導人們的答案,太多的人在很長的時間內給他們說這個答案,以至於他們對此持憤世疾俗的態度,對我們是否可以再一次把握歷史的希望感到擔心和懷疑。已經過去了很長時間,但是今晚,由於我們今天在這場選舉所採取的行動,在這個決定性的時候,變革來到了美國。

今晚早些時候,我接到來自參議員麥凱恩的一個特別有風度的電話。麥凱恩在這場選戰中進行了長期和艱苦的努力,他為這個他所愛的國家戰斗了更長的時間,作出了更艱苦的努力。他為美國承受了我們中的大多數人無法想像的犧牲。由於這位勇敢和無私領導人的服務,我們的生活變得更好。

我向他表示祝賀,我向佩林州長表示祝賀,向他們所取得的成果表示祝賀,我盼望與他們共事以繼續這個國家在未來歲月的承諾。

我想感謝我在競選旅程的伙伴,一位用心競選的男士,一位為和他一起在斯克蘭頓街頭一同長大的男人和女子代言、經常坐火車回特拉華州的男士,美國當選副總統拜登。

如果沒有我過去16年最好的朋友、我們家庭的中堅、我生命中的摯愛,我今天晚上不可能站在這里,美國下一位第一夫人米歇爾-奧巴馬。

薩沙和馬莉婭,我愛你們,我對你們的愛超出了你們的想像。你們已贏得了新的寵物狗,它將和我們一起前往新的白宮。

儘管她沒能和我們在一起,但我知道,我的祖母和養大我的家人在看著我,我今晚很想念他們,我知道我欠他們的東西是無法計量的。我的妹妹馬婭、我的姐姐奧瑪,我其他的兄弟和姐妹,非常感謝你們對我的支持,我感謝他們。

我的競選經理大衛-普勞夫,這位競選活動的無名英雄,他進行了最好的政治競選活動,我認為這是美國歷史上最棒的。我的首席策略師大衛-艾克斯羅德,他一直是追隨我的伙伴。你們組建了政治史上最好的競選團隊,是你們成就了今天,我永遠感謝你們為此所作出的犧牲。

但最重要的是,我永遠不會忘記這場勝利真正屬於誰,它屬於你們,它屬於你們。

我從來不是最有可能獲得這一職務的候選人。我們剛開始並沒有太多資金,也沒有得到許多人的支持。我們的競選活動並非始自華盛頓的大廳里,而是始於得梅因、康科德、查爾斯頓這些地方的普通民眾家中。那些辛勤工作的人們從自己微薄的儲蓄中捐出5美元、10美元、20美元。競選活動因為年輕人的支持而越來越有聲勢,他們拒絕了他們那一代對政治不感興趣的神話,他們離開家,從事那些薪水少而且辛苦的工作。競選活動的聲勢也來自那些已不再年輕的人們,他們冒著嚴寒酷暑,敲開陌生人的家門進行競選宣傳;競選聲勢也源自數百萬的美國民眾,他們充當志願者和組織者,他們証明了在兩百多年以後,民有、民治、民享的政府並未從地球上消失。這是你們的勝利。

我知道你們的所做的一切並不只是為了贏得選舉,我也知道你們做這一切並不是為了我。你們這樣做是因為你們明白前面的任務有多麼艱巨。即便我們今晚歡呼慶祝,我們也知道明天將面臨我們一生之中最艱難的挑戰──兩場戰爭、一個面臨危險的星球,一個世紀以來最嚴重的金融危機。

就在我們今晚站在這里的時刻,我們知道勇敢的美國士兵在伊拉克的沙漠里和阿富汗的群山中醒來,他們冒著生命危險來保護著我們的生命。仍有在孩子熟睡後仍難以入眠的父母,他們擔心如何償還按揭月供、付醫藥費或是存夠錢讓孩子上大學。我們需要開發新的能源、創造新的工作崗位,我們需要修建新學校,應對眾多威脅、修複與許多國家的盟友關係。

前方的道路將很漫長,我們攀登的腳步會很艱辛。我們可能無法在一年甚至一個任期內實現這些目標,但我從未像今晚這樣滿懷希望,我們將實現我們的目標。我向你們承諾——我們作為一個整體將會達成目標。

我們會遭遇挫折和不成功的起步。我作為總統所做的每項決定或政策,會有許多人持有異議,我們也知道,政府不能解決所有問題。但我將總是會向你們 坦陳我們所面臨的挑戰。我會聽取你們的意見,尤其是存在不同意見的時候。最重要的是,我會請求你們參與重建這個國家,以美國221年來從未改變的唯一方式 -一磚一瓦、同心協力。

21個月前在寒冬所開始的一切不應當在今天這個秋夜結束。今天的選舉勝利並不是我們所尋求的改變--這只是我們進行改變的機會。如果我們仍然按照過去的方式行事,我們所尋求的改變將不會發生。沒有你們,沒有服務和犧牲的新精神,就不可能發生改變。
因此,讓我們發揚新的愛國和負責精神,所有的人都下定決心參與其中,更加努力地工作,不僅是為自己而是為彼此。讓我們記住這一點,如果說這場金融危機教會了我們什麼東西的話,那就是我們不可能在金融以外的領域處於困境的同時擁有繁榮興旺的華爾街。

在這個國家,我們患難與共。讓我們抵制重走老路的誘惑,避免重新回到令美國政治長期深受毒害的黨派紛爭、小題大作、不成熟的表現。讓我們記住, 是伊利諾州的一名男子首次將共和黨的旗幟扛到了白宮。共和黨是建立在自立、個人自由以及國家團結的價值觀之上的。這也是我們所有人共同的價值觀。雖然民 主黨今天晚上贏得了巨大的勝利,但我們是以謙卑的態度和彌合阻礙我們進步的分歧的決心贏得這場勝利的。林肯在向遠比我們眼下分歧更大的國家發表講話時說, 我們不是敵人,而是朋友……雖然激情可能會褪去,但這不會割斷我們感情上的聯繫。對於那些現在沒有投票給我的美國人,我想說,我可能沒有贏得你們的選票, 但是我聽到了你們的聲音,我需要你們的幫助,而且我也將是你們的總統。

對於那些徹夜關注美國大選的海外人士,從國會到皇宮,以及在被遺忘的角落裏擠在收音機旁的人們,我們的經歷雖然各有不同,但是我們的命運是一樣的,新的美國領導層已產生了。

那些想要顛覆這個世界的人們,我們將擊敗你們。那些追求和平和安全的人們,我們支持你們。那些所有懷疑美國的燈塔能否能像以前一樣明亮的人們, 今天晚上我們再次證明,我們國家真正的力量並非來自我們武器的威力或財富的規模,而是來自我們理想的持久力量:民主、自由、機會、不屈服的希望。

這才是美國真正的精華——美國能夠改變。我們的聯邦會日漸完美。我們現在已取得的成就為我們將來能夠取得和必須取得的成就增添了希望。

這次大選創造了多項第一,也誕生了很多將世代流傳的故事。但是今天晚上令我難忘的卻是在亞特蘭大投票的一名婦女:安-尼克森-庫波爾。她和其他數百萬排隊等待投票的選民沒有什麼差別,除了一點:她已是106歲的高齡。

她出生的那個時代奴隸制度剛剛結束;那時路上沒有汽車,天上也沒有飛機。當時像她這樣的人由於兩個原因不能投票,首先她是女性,其次她是黑人。

今天晚上,我想到了她在美國過去一百年間所經歷的種種:心痛和希望;鬥爭和進步;在那裏時代,我們被告知我們辦不到,一些人繼續堅信著美國的信念──是的,我們能做到。

婦女當時沒有投票權,她們的希望被挫敗,但是安-尼克森-庫波爾活著看到婦女們站了起來,看到她們站出來發表自己的見解,看到她們參加大選投票。是的,我們能做到。
當30年代的沙塵暴和大蕭條使人們感到絕望時,她看到一個國家用新政、新的就業機會以及對新目標的共同追求戰勝恐慌。是的,我們能做到。

當炸彈襲擊了我們的港口、暴政威脅到全世界,她見證了一代美國人的偉大崛起,見證了一個民主國家獲得拯救。是的,我們能做到。


她看到蒙哥馬利通了公共汽車、伯明罕接上了水管、塞爾馬建了橋,一位來自亞特蘭大的傳教士告訴人們:“我們將克服阻力。”是的,我們能做到。

人類登上月球、柏林牆倒下,世界被我們的科學和想像被連接在一起。今年,在這場選舉中,她用手指觸摸螢幕投下自己的選票,因為在美國生活了106年之後,經歷了最好的時光和最黑暗的時刻之後,她知道美國如何能夠發生變革。是的,我們能做到。

美國,我們已經走過了一條漫漫長路。我們已經歷了很多。但是我們仍有很多事情要做。因此今夜,請讓我們自問--如果我們的孩子能夠活到下個世紀;如果我的女兒有幸活得和安一樣長,她們將會看到怎樣的改變?我們將會取得什麼樣的進步?
現在是我們回答這個問題的機會。這是我們的時刻。

這是我們的時代--讓我們的人民重新就業,為我們的後代敞開機會之門,恢復繁榮,推進和平,重新確立“美國夢”,再次證明這樣一個基本的真理: 我們是一家人;只要一息尚存,我們就有希望;當我們遇到嘲諷和懷疑,當有人說我們辦不到的時候,我們要以這個永恆的信條來回應他們:

是的,我們能做到。感謝你們。上帝保佑你們。願上帝保佑美利堅合眾國。



歐巴馬勝選感言英文全文:

Hello, Chicago.

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible, who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.

It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen, by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different, that their voices could be that difference.

It's the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Hispanic, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled. Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been just a collection of individuals or a collection of red states and blue states.

We are, and always will be, the United States of America.

It's the answer that led those who've been told for so long by so many to be cynical and fearful and doubtful about what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.

It's been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this date in this election at this defining moment change has come to America.

A little bit earlier this evening, I received an extraordinarily gracious call from Senator McCain.

Senator McCain fought long and hard in this campaign. And he's fought even longer and harder for the country that he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine. We are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader.

I congratulate him; I congratulate Governor Palin for all that they've achieved. And I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.

I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart, and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton ... and rode with on the train home to Delaware, the vice president-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.

And I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last 16 years ... the rock of our family, the love of my life, the nation's next first lady ... Michelle Obama.

Sasha and Malia ... I love you both more than you can imagine. And you have earned the new puppy that's coming with us ...to the new White House.

And while she's no longer with us, I know my grandmother's watching, along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight. I know that my debt to them is beyond measure.

To my sister Maya, my sister Alma, all my other brothers and sisters, thank you so much for all the support that you've given me. I am grateful to them.

And to my campaign manager, David Plouffe ... the unsung hero of this campaign, who built the best _ the best political campaign, I think, in the history of the United States of America.

To my chief strategist David Axelrod ... who's been a partner with me every step of the way.

To the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics ... you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you've sacrificed to get it done.

But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to. It belongs to you. It belongs to you.

I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn't start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington. It began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston. It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give $5 and $10 and $20 to the cause.

It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation's apathy ... who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep.

It drew strength from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on doors of perfect strangers, and from the millions of Americans who volunteered and organized and proved that more than two centuries later a government of the people, by the people, and for the people has not perished from the Earth.

This is your victory.

And I know you didn't do this just to win an election. And I know you didn't do it for me.

You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime _ two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century.

Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us.

There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after the children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage or pay their doctors' bills or save enough for their child's college education.

There's new energy to harness, new jobs to be created, new schools to build, and threats to meet, alliances to repair.

The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even in one term. But, America, I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there.

I promise you, we as a people will get there.

There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won't agree with every decision or policy I make as president. And we know the government can't solve every problem.

But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree. And, above all, I will ask you to join in the work of remaking this nation, the only way it's been done in America for 221 years _ block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.

What began 21 months ago in the depths of winter cannot end on this autumn night.

This victory alone is not the change we seek. It is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were.

It can't happen without you, without a new spirit of service, a new spirit of sacrifice.

So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism, of responsibility, where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves but each other.

Let us remember that, if this financial crisis taught us anything, it's that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers.

In this country, we rise or fall as one nation, as one people. Let's resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long.

Let's remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House, a party founded on the values of self-reliance and individual liberty and national unity.

Those are values that we all share. And while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress.

As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, we are not enemies but friends. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection.

And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn, I may not have won your vote tonight, but I hear your voices. I need your help. And I will be your president, too.

And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces, to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of the world, our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand.

To those _ to those who would tear the world down: We will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security: We support you. And to all those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright: Tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity and unyielding hope.

That's the true genius of America: that America can change. Our union can be perfected. What we've already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that's on my mind tonight's about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing: Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.

She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons _ because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.

And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America _ the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.

At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes we can.

When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs, a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can.

When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can.

She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that We Shall Overcome. Yes we can.

A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination.

And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change.

Yes we can.

America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves _ if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?

This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment.

This is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that, out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope. And where we are met with cynicism and doubts and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: Yes, we can.

Thank you. God bless you. And may God bless the United States of America.



延伸閱讀:

The Sky of Gene - 【分享】歐巴馬美國國家科學院演說


The Sky of Gene - 【分享】歐巴馬總統就職典禮演說(Barack Obama Inauguration Speech)

The Sky of Gene - 【分享】歐巴馬勝選感言文言版

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The Sky of Gene - U2 in Obama Concert


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