1790年，在美國南方多數的國會議員與當時的財政部長—Alexandra Hemilton的協議之下，美國政府在搬至現在的華盛頓特區前曾由紐約的聯邦廳（Federal Hall）搬至費城的國會廳（Congress Hall）。為了換取讓美國首都設於波多馬克河畔，國會議員通過當時Alexandra Hemilton的財政計畫，費城因此成為美國首都有十年之久，直到華盛頓特區的國會山莊建築完工並開始使用才結束。
自由鐘等古蹟屬於國家獨立歷史公園（Independence National Historic Park） ，歸美國內政部國家公園處（National Park Service）管理，我正好有國家公園卡（National Park Pass），所以可以免費參觀。除了自由鐘和獨立宮外，也有20餘所和美國獨立建國有關的建築供遊客參觀。
檢視較大的地圖
在眾多的建築中，最著名的當屬「獨立宮」（Independence Hall）。這是一座兩層舊式紅磚樓房，乳白色的門窗，乳白色的尖塔，正屋和塔之間鑲嵌著一座大時鐘。就是在這座樸實無華的樓房裡，誕生了《獨立宣言》和憲法。這裡還曾是美國獨立戰爭的指揮中心，故而成為美國歷史文物建築，被命名為「獨立宮」，室內保留著當時的會議場景和家俱裝飾。
「獨立宮」附近的「自由鐘」（Liberty Bell）是美國獨立的像征。1776年7月4日，伴隨著洪亮的鐘聲，《獨立宣言》首次公諸於世。1783年4月16日，「自由鐘」的鐘聲又宣告了美國獨立戰爭的勝利。此後，每逢美國國慶日（7月4日），都要敲響像征美國獨立的鐘聲。這口鐘鑄於英國倫敦，高約一米，重約943公斤，1752年運到費城。
自由鐘由多種金屬混合鑄成。1751年由賓州州議會以100英鎊的價格從英國訂購，當年工藝水平顯然有限，第二年大鐘運到費城，試敲時就破裂了。一年後兩個當地鑄造工重新鑄造，總算成功。1835年慶祝華盛頓生日時，又被幾個孩子敲出了一尺長的裂痕。十年後在同樣的活動中，它被敲了幾個小時，結果出現了我們現在看到的這條著名的鋸齒狀裂縫，而在事實上那並不是唯一的裂縫。自由鐘再也無法修復，除了每年的獨立日，全美大小教堂鐘聲齊鳴，頭一個敲響的是自由鐘，它極少被使用。
自由鐘最早放在獨立宮的旁殿裡，英國占領費城期間，被轉移藏匿，後又被移回費城。1976年搬入獨立宮後面的新殿。為便於參觀，又搬到獨立宮廣場上一個玻璃房裡，聽說不久還要從這個玻璃房裡遷入新址。兩地距離不足200米，但官方要為這次搬遷舉行隆重活動。每次搬遷的距離都並不遠，但每次人們都小心翼翼，生怕它「玉碎」。他們給鐘裝上可以測出鐘內百萬分之一米移動的微變量位移傳感器，測試其是否可以搬遷。
我們在中午研討會正式結束後，就搭地鐵到舊城去，我們原本要去參觀自由鐘和獨立鐘的，不過有些人潮，加上肚子餓了，我們就先在一家購物中心吃飯，那後學姐就體力不支了，就一直裝可愛問我她能不能不要去參觀自由鐘和獨立宮，因為她昨晚上網到很晚才睡，剛好那週末調成日光節約時間，我們又少了一個小時睡覺。原來學姐以為我會逼她陪我去逛那些古蹟，我就說我可以一個人去，就留學姐在購物中心睡午覺。
那天下午天氣非常好，我一個人到處亂晃。我對美國獨立建國的歷史僅稍有瞭解，知道的並不深入，也不特別感興趣，就走馬看花地把地園上大部分的建築很快地看完，大概花了二個多小時吧。然後就回購物中心找學姐，沒想到她居然在看小說，我休息了一下和聊了一陣，我們就去舊城的其他街道參觀。舊城也有一些博物館，可是我們時間有限，因為學姐的飛機傍晚就飛了，我也得到紐約去。我們就再花了大概一個小時在舊城其他街道逛了一下，參觀了幾家記念品店，就搭地鐵離去。
我陪學姐去搭火車去機場後，就一個人到30th Street Station去搭火車去紐華克找大學同學。到了30th Street Station，我才發現，原來我早在三年前就到過那，那時我從華盛頓特區到普林斯頓大學去面談。從費城到紐華克僅一個多小時車程，可是火車票價居然要USD 63。我上次從華盛頓特區到普林斯頓單趟兩個小時車程，來回居然要USD 190，美國火車票價真的是貴到完全不合理！後來聽說其實有華人經營的巴士可搭，以後可別再花冤枉錢了。
檢視較大的地圖
國家獨立歷史公園（Independence National Historic Park）的整本相簿：
附：
這就是林語堂用北京口語譯的《美國獨立宣言》中文：
咱們國事亂到這般田地，叫咱們不得不跟（英國）皇上分家，自起爐灶，除了老天爺以外，誰也不要管誰，所以這會子總應向大家交個賬，說個明白，叫人家懂得這是怎麼一回事，別疑心了咱們是在做什麼坑崩拐騙蒙的好勾當。
咱們不會歪纏，就是這麼幾名話。一則，你我大家比起人家都是一只鼻子兩只眼楮，不認輸誰，說不定比人家還強的多著呢；二則，誰也別想貶卻咱們的身分資格；三則，一個人要怎麼活就可以怎麼活，要怎麼玩就可以怎麼玩，要到哪兒去就可以到哪兒去，只要不礙著旁人就得了。
什麼鳥政府不放咱們這樣，便是王八蛋。
還有，老百姓要什麼政府就可自己做主，不干人家的鳥事。什麼政府不給咱們這樣就得滾他的蛋，再扶一個出來頂替。固然，象那些南美洲的傻子渾人，或者象什 麼共產黨，天天革命，也不成個樣子。或者衙門里老爺一做岔了事便革一回命，也是不成的。有時候，老爺們吞款舞弊，作惡為非，咱們閉著眼兒裝不見，比起傻子 渾人共產黨天天革命還好，你只要不是什麼無來由的，還能說聲不是嗎？但是國事混亂到這個分兒，一個人什麼身分兒都沒有了，任人當奴才看，到這會子，大家就 得合攏來革那些狗官僚的命兒，另叫一班人來，給監視著，不讓他們大模大樣干他們偷雞的勾當。咱們十三州老百姓就是這麼一句話，罪受夠了，再混也混不下去。
當今皇上喬治登基以來，政事就是一團糟，誰不服氣來同他辦交涉，就是一把拳頭叫你吃，這還有什麼天理麼？咱們同算一下賬給你瞧。
咱們一體通過的條陳，他總批駁下來，咱們人人反對的條例，他倒給欽此了。
咱們有什麼呈文，非他親眼瞧過不成，呈文一上去，他卻向口袋里一放，裝著忘了，你同他提起，只給你一個不睬。
人家到宮里去呈請他立個新法，他就是這麼一套︰要末，把議會封起來，讓他稱孤道寡，孤行己意，不然，便是一個行，兩個不行。
他叫議會到那兒嶺外天邊三家村上去開會，樂得沒人肯去，讓他去一意橫行霸道。
議員去找他，說什麼好歹，他就是一溜不見，送他們回家。
議院封了，要叫開又不肯開，政事沒人管，成個無法無天的天下。
他哄人家不要來咱們十三州。誰要來，也不讓有報紙看，人家一看也不肯來了，就是來了，也不給田地，不得不回去，有的索性就不來。
他跟法官通同作弊，就不肯出錢多用幾個官吏，人家有案子，三年兩載還不見個動靜，不發下來，只好認倒霉空手回去。
法官有什麼不順從他的意旨，就得滾蛋，官俸又不發，叫他們先來孝敬老天爺，不然也別想拿一個大子。
高興起了，就添了什麼司什麼員，安排一些不見經傳的人小，錢向咱們老百姓腰包里拿，不管你情願不情願。
一個好好的太平天下，養了一大班丘八，驚擾百姓，咱們怎麼抗議也沒用。
他放著這些丘八作惡為非，橫行霸道，不掛腰刀的人只好听他們排比。
他放貪官污吏到處作孽，一朝權在手，無惡不作，干起以下的事來︰
叫一些毫無用處人人討厭的丘八駐扎民家里。
丘八殺人，便做個圈套，放他們逍遙法外。
管人家的事。
征苛捐雜稅，也不問一問咱們繳的稅項有個繳稅的道理沒有。
把人捉將官里去，人家要叫百姓陪審，不讓陪審。
把人無端趕出國外，事案是此地發的，叫人家到天邊海外去受審。
放幾個壞蛋充我們鄰國的官員，慢慢的擴展，希望有一天把咱們也吞下去，同他們一般腐敗。
把憲法當做把戲，人人說好沒人說壞的法律，他偏取消，讓他一人去瞎干。
他把議院關了門，就象他一個人獨干比別人干得好。
現在一不做二不休，索性跟咱們開戰，咱們還認什麼皇上，做什麼臣子？
他把城也燒了，人也殺了，比狗還不如，在海上還要興師問罪。
他雇些荷蘭雜種來打咱們，教他們只要打得過咱們，可以隨意搶掠，什麼萬國公法都不顧了。
咱們自己人在海上給他捉去，不管願意不願意，就迫著拿起槍把殺咱們同胞。
他唆使印第安生番，給他們槍火，教他們打死咱們的男女老少。
每回他這樣干，咱們就不服同他反抗，每回咱們不服同他反抗，他還是照舊這樣干下去。一個人老是這樣蠻橫不講理，還有什麼身分，就是不配來管咱們有身分人，應當滾蛋。
咱們向英國人講理，總是不得要領。差不多天天咱們忠告他們，他們那邊那些官僚違法越權，侵犯咱們。咱們老同他們講，咱們是誰，咱們在做什麼事，咱們為什 麼過海而來。咱們同他們講公道，告訴他們，如果長此下去，咱們有一天要自己做自己打算，他們才知道利害。但是越和他們講理，越無理可講。可以見得他們不跟 咱們一伙兒，就是同咱們為難，咱們就得同他們拚個高低，打完了再做道理。
因此，咱們決定，咱們代表十三州府的百姓在議會上議決︰咱們合眾國就 是以前的十三州府，從此以後是自由國，照理就早該如此；咱們不認皇上，同他一刀兩斷，再也不听英國人的吩咐；咱們既然自由，自由國能干什麼咱們就能干什 麼，尤重要的是宣戰、議和、營商等等。咱們拿聖經罰咒，大家一心一力，有首有尾，不顧利害，不論成敗，不計吉凶，就是財破人亡，到斷頭台上，還是這樣做去。
正常的《美國獨立宣言》中譯：
序文
1776年7月4日，於國會內
美洲十三合眾州全體一致宣告
此時此刻，於人事發展進程中，斯屬必要者，業為解消一群人民與他群間之政治捆縛，並視其地位─基於自然律與造物主之賜─於塵世諸政權間為互不隸屬且相互平等，適切尊重人類宣告獨立的目標理想之需求。
前言
我等之見解為，下述真理不證自明：凡人生而平等，秉造物者之賜，擁諸無可轉讓之權利，包含生命權、自由權、與追尋幸福之權（原意為：擁有私人資產之權）。
茲確保如此權力，立政府於人民之間，經受統治者之同意取得應有之權力；特此，無論何種政體於何時壞此標的，則人民有權改組或棄絕之，並另立新政府，本此原則，以成此型式之政權，因其影響人民之安全幸福至鉅。
深思熟慮後，當得此論，即建立長久之政府，不應以無足輕重之理由改組，而基於已知之過往，世人寧可容忍積重難返之邪僻。然當連串之濫權者與篡奪者執迷不悟，迫人民屈伏於絕對專制下時，推翻此政府，是其權利，是其義務，並為未來之安穩提供新保障。
控訴
此限制已令各殖民地長久不堪，此事現今亦已成為必要，即由人民改變過往政府體制。大不列顛今上長久以來剝下益上，直接導致遍及各州之專制暴政。為證明斯言屬實，且將事實呈交公正之世間。
他拒絕批准，俾益最深且對公眾利益至關緊要之法條。
他禁止轄下總督們通過當前迫切而必要之法條，延宕法條直至得其恩准；而於留中不發期間，他徹底置之不理。
他拒絕通過其他法條以調解廣大行政區內之人民，除非人民放棄於立法機構內之代表權，此為人民至高無上之權，唯暴君畏之懼之。
他於異常、不當、且遠離公共紀綠保管之處所召集民意代表與會，唯一目的為使其因疲於奔命而屈從於他個人之意旨。
他反覆解散議會，因其勇於堅決反對他侵犯民權。
他長期拒絕─於議會解散之後─使其他人當選以讓立法權─無可消滅者─回歸由多數民意行使；國家長期暴露於一切可能導致動亂之危機。
他力阻各州增加人口，為達目的而阻撓外籍歸化法，拒絕通過鼓勵移民內附之法條，並提高撥用新土地之門檻。
他拒絕通過建立司法權之相關法條，藉以妨礙司法。
他置司法於個人意志之下，獨斷決定其職位與薪資之數目與款項。
他設立大量新機構，送來成群的官吏吸取民脂民膏。
他於吾民之間維持常備軍─於承平時期─不經議會同意。
他酬庸軍權，使之自外於，並超逾民權。
他勾結他人，使我等隸屬之司法體制，既逾越於憲法，亦未經律令之認可。御准虛有其表之議會所炮製之種種法案：
於吾民中駐紮大軍：
以偽審判卵翼殺人犯逍遙法外：
切斷吾民與他方之貿易往來：
不經吾民同意即開徵稅賦：
多次剝奪吾民由陪審團聽審之權益：
押送吾民至海外，審以羅織之罪名：
廢止英式自由法制於一鄰省，立專制政府於其中，並擴展其疆域，作為樣板與便宜行事之手段，用以推行相同之威權統治至各殖民地中
奪吾民之憲章，廢止我最具價值之律法並根本改變我政府體制：
中斷我之立法職能，而聲稱他們有權為我一切大小事宜立法。
他拋棄此地之政務，聲明吾民不在其保護之下，對吾民強加戰爭之重荷。
他掠奪我海域，踐踏沿岸，焚燒城鎮，殘民以逞。
他刻正運來大批外籍傭兵以恣意屠戮、蹂躪、與妄為，其手段之虐酷與卑劣幾與最野蠻之時代毫無二致，作為一個文明國家之元首，完全失格。
他強俘吾民於公海且武裝之，以對其母國不利，強令其成為親朋好友之劊子手，或被害者。
他煽動內亂於吾民之間，圖我開疆拓土之民；眾所周知，未開化之印地安野人作戰法則為不分男女老幼格殺勿論。
於承受如此壓迫之時期吾民謙詞請願興革：吾民一再之請願遭回以反覆之傷害。一國之君，其品格已然烙下可稱為殘虐之措施時，已不配作為自由民之統治者。
譴責
並非我等未曾顧念我不列顛之同胞。我等曾不時警示其企圖，即外延立法權以將非法之司法管轄權籠罩吾民。我等曾提醒其民，我移民與墾殖者之狀況。我等曾籲其天生之正義感與雅量，我等曾求其以同文同種之情一改前非，其作為，無可避免地影響雙方之關係與往來。他們對情理之聲充耳不聞。我等必須因而順勢宣告與之分離，並待之如待其餘人等，敵視我者敵視之，睦我者睦之，友我者友之。
總結
領銜簽署者們主張（現時人民須改組政府之態勢，不列顛致之），各殖民地有必要推翻與不列顛主權之政治束縛，成為獨立國家。結論之核心，包含於7月2日通過之李氏決議文。
我等，美利堅合眾國之代表，召開全員大會，為吾民之公正意向世界最崇高之正義籲求，以各殖民地正直善良民意之名義，及其授權，鄭重發表與宣告，團結之諸殖民地為，亦有權是，自由獨立之國家，有權宣戰、媾和、締盟、建立貿易關係、從事其他獨立國家有權行使之事務。為支持此宣言，以神賜之洲之屏障為堅固依靠，吾等相互託付生命、財產、與榮譽。
《美國獨立宣言》英文原文：
The Declaration of Independence
IN CONGRESS, JULY 4,
1776 THE UNANIMOUS
DECLARATION OF THE
THIRTEEN UNITED
STATES OF AMERAICA
When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws Nature and Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that they are among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among them, deriving their just power from the consent of the governed. That whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than t right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity, which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is usurpations, all having in direct object tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.
He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.
He has forbidden his Governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend them.
He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.]
He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasion on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolution, to cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without and convulsion within.
He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose obstructing the laws of naturalizing of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the condition of new appropriations of lands.
He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent of laws for establishing judiciary powers.
He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their office, and the amount and payment of their salary.
He has erected a multitude of new officers, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out our substances.
He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation.
For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us;
For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murder which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States.
For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world;
For imposing taxes on us without our consent;
For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury;
For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses;
For abolishing the free systems of English laws in a neighboring Province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule these Colonies;
For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments;
For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely parallel in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow citizens taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.
He has excited domestic insurrection amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.
In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms: our repeated petition have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpation, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them., as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends.
We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled , appealing to the supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by authority of the good people of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United States Colonies and Independent States; that they are absolved by from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.
相關網站：
Independence National Historical Park - From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
National Park Service: Independence National Historical Park
沒有留言:
張貼留言